Matchmaker, Matchmaker

The back wall of Donna Shugrue’s office features a poster of Rose and Jack from “Titanic,” along with massive portraits of her two daughters with their husbands. A large board full of pictures of smiling couples hangs behind her desk, reminiscent of the thank-you letters and holiday cards that doctors sometimes show off in their offices. Only, instead of healthy patients, Donna has happily married clients.

Before I saw Donna’s ad hanging on the wall of the bathroom at Wooglin’s Deli in Colorado Springs, I didn’t know matchmaking existed outside of “Fiddler on the Roof.” After a tumultuous two-week experiment with Tinder over winter break, I was skeptical of the idea of finding love through any kind of formal dating program. But when I read that Donna had married over 700 clients in her 27 years of matchmaking, my curiosity was piqued. 

I went home and filled out a “dating profile test” on perfectlymatched-dating.com. I answered each of the 46 statements with a number from 1, “Clearly Agree,” to 5, “Clearly Disagree.” The statements varied from “My feelings are easily hurt” to out of left field statements like “Wearing designer clothes is worth the extra money,” “The nicest people attend religious services regularly,” “I rarely have headaches,” “I believe in the theory of evolution,” and “People who get sexually transmitted diseases deserve it.” Many of them didn’t seem to have anything to do with romantic compatibility. They challenged the belief that most people hold about love: that it happens as a result of some kind of inexplicable chemistry or spark. We romanticize love even more when it “doesn’t make sense”—think Romeo and Juliet. Love, in my mind, had nothing to do with religion, headaches, or designer clothes.

Donna called me with my results a few days later. Before I could tell her that I was seeking an interview and not just her service, Donna went straight to her explanation. She gave me a score from one to 10 in categories of temperament, sociability, conformity, affection, religion, and finance. 

A week later, I am sitting across from Donna at her office in downtown Colorado Springs as she explains the way her matchmaking process works. Within minutes she is rattling off client stories, peppering the memories with love advice. Her stories varied from sad to sweet to hilarious.

“Leroy,” she says, showing me his picture on the wall, “had the corniest sense of humor I’d ever experienced … after the interview I thought, God, I know I’m going to hear about this in feedback from his matches.” The first woman she set him up with told Donna he was nice and good-looking, but “cracked one corny joke after another.” The second and third matches went the same way. “But the fourth match was her,” Donna says, pointing at the woman smiling next to Leroy in his picture. “And when she called me with feedback the first thing she said was, ‘He’s so funny!’ I was like, ‘Yes! He is! If you think he is!’ And guess what? They’ve been married for years now.”

Donna’s service uses similarity to predict compatibility. Over and over, she tells me that the key to a successful and lasting relationship is to find someone who thinks the same way that you do. According to Donna, the saying “opposites attract” might be true in the short term, but usually fails to create a relationship that lasts. She says temperament is an exception, “because if you have the same temperament you’ll either butt heads and fight or avoid confrontation to the point of avoiding communication. Opposites in temperament can balance each other out.” 

Donna explains all this to me with so much confidence that I find myself immediately believing her, questioning my conviction that love stems from “chemistry.” I am surprised by how quickly Donna and I hit it off—our conversation lasts almost two hours longer than we’d intended. At the same time, I’m not surprised at all: Donna and I are similarly fascinated by personality and compatibility. We are both able to talk for hours about the way people relate to each other. But, unlike those of us who prefer to think of love as requiring nothing other than some mysterious ingredient, Donna takes a pragmatic approach to romance, emphasizing the importance of lifestyle factors, religion, social habits, and finance—all of which I’ve always considered of secondary importance. Donna looks at compatibility with one end goal in mind: stable, lasting romance. 

Personally, I am wary of approaching love with an “end goal” in mind. This is, at least partially, the source of my skepticism regarding dating services in general. There’s a danger in searching for love instead of just falling into it. With apps like Tinder, for example, you’re frantically looking for someone to fill some sort of role in your life, whether it be a hookup or a serious relationship. It’s almost as though the person is secondary to the role, and when you try to fit a person you meet into that role, you run the risk of not actually seeing them for who they are. Or worse, you end up marketing yourself for the kind of role you want to play for another person. 

In Donna’s service, all clients have the same general goal: they want a long-term partner. Donna makes it clear that her matchmaking services do not cater to people interested in hookups or casual dating. In her words, the people who come to her are “serious” about meeting someone. And Donn makes any variation of that goal (some clients want kids, some clients don’t want to get married, etc.) clear to each party from the beginning. 

The first thing Donna does for a client is identify potential matches with scores that are close to their own. “All my matches start with these scores. That’s how strongly I believe in them,” she says. She points again to the photos on the board behind her. “These are couples I’ve matched who are married or in relationships. If you look at where the scores are compared to each other, you’ll see that they’re pretty close.” 

After Donna finds matches with similar scores, she shares information from the “interview sheet” with each party. “Before you meet someone, you know where they were born, how many brothers and sisters they have, whether or not they own their homes, whether or not they have pets, what religion they are, if they go to church, what church they go to…” the list goes on. Donna does not share each party’s income with the other, though she does keep it in mind herself. “I definitely pay attention to it when I make a match,” she says, “because to some extent, income is a matter of lifestyle choices, and you want someone who can make similar lifestyle choices.” The question on her test about buying designer clothing makes more sense now.

After filling out an interest and activity sheet, Donna has her clients do a special exercise: they write down what their ideal relationship would be. “You sit down and you think, What would the right person for me be like? What kind of qualities would I want him or her to have? The best way to draw that out of yourself is to think about past relationships or marriages that you’ve had and what you’ve really liked about that person. And then think about what you didn’t like, and turn the negatives into positives and write it down.” She leans in. “And I’ll tell you a little secret that I don’t tell anyone until after they’ve written it: what they ultimately describe is themselves.”

Although Donna does screen for physical preferences, she encourages her clients to move beyond their assumptions about what physical characteristics they’re attracted to, unless those boundaries are “written in stone.” According to Donna, women tend to limit themselves according to height preference, while men limit themselves according to weight preference. “I’ll have a five-foot tall woman and I’ll say, ‘What’s the shortest you’ll go?’ And with no hesitation she’ll say, ‘Six feet.’ I’ll say, ‘Eliminate everybody below six feet, why would you do that?’ She’ll say, ‘Because I like tall men, they make me feel protected.’ Well, the reality is that you can feel safe and protected by somebody who is your own height or even shorter than you are.”

In fact, a picture is the only significant thing, apart from income, that Donna does not share with her newly-matched clients. She tells each party the eye color, hair color, height, and weight of their match, but does not provide photos. All first dates are literally “blind” dates. Her service stands in stark contrast to dating apps, where photos are the first (and sometimes only) thing you see. Online dating feels like an emotionally risky guessing game: participants try to gauge from photos how attractive, normal, nice, or interesting other participants are (often unsuccessfully, since it’s easy to lie, or at least skew the truth of who you are, through carefully selected photos). 

Unlike Tinder, Donna makes a match according to the scores first, and then hopes the two clients will be attracted to each other. For Donna, compatibility precedes attraction. Her pragmatism is surprising for someone whose entire career is based on helping people find love. But maybe Donna’s success rate just speaks to how easy it is to fall in love with someone once the practical factors are in place. “I can’t tell you how often someone will call me with feedback and say, ‘That’s somebody that I probably wouldn’t have picked for myself,’” she says, “but in a one-hour meeting they’re already feeling some kind of spark.” 

Even when Donna occasionally pairs people up who have a difference in one or two scores, she makes sure they both go into it knowing about that difference. She points to one of the photos. “Marsha was an eight in sociability and Jay was a five. He was a three in finance and she was a six. She was more outgoing than him, he was more budget-minded than her. And boy, was that reflected in their relationship from the beginning.” Donna tells me about a couple of money-related squabbles, and about how Marsha wanted everyone in her family to meet him on the second date. “I said, ‘No! He’s much more shy than you are. That will take him out of his comfort zone, and it’s too soon to bring your family into the picture anyway. You just met him!’”

Marsha and Jay, Donna tells me, married after only three months, contrary to one of the rules she prescribes to her clients to ensure that their relationships last. “I tell people, don’t even have sex for the first three months!” She explains that it takes most people that long to get relaxed enough to be themselves, which is when you can start to identify whether things are or aren’t working. “But once you’re physically involved you’re emotionally involved. It takes the focus off the friendship and puts it on the intimacy, and that’s not what you want to do when you don’t even know someone.” She tells me that the couples who wait for three months are the ones who are most likely to end up on her wall of success (Marsha and Jay are an exception). “I’ve seen relationships that I thought had potential end because they were intimate too quickly, and they didn’t know how to deal with it, because they didn’t know each other.”

The no-sex rule is one of Donna’s three big rules. Rule number two is “Don’t ask yourself where it’s going or how this person could fit into your life long-term for six months” because “you don’t have enough information to answer that question yet.” Rule three is “Don’t do anything as serious as getting engaged, married, or moving in until you’ve gone a full year” because “people can change with the seasons.” “And anyway,” Donna adds, “one year is not a long time to wait if you think that this is someone you’re gonna spend the rest of your life with.” I ask Donna if she follows the relationship rules she gives to her clients. She bursts out laughing. “Hell no! Don’t ask me if I’ve not had sex in the first three months!” 

All of these rules are measures of precaution to ensure that the relationship progresses slowly, carefully, and based on mutual understanding between the two people. Donna goes to great lengths to avoid the problem articulated in a New York Times op-ed piece, “Why You Will Marry the Wrong Person”: people rarely delve into their complexities before committing to a long-term relationship, leading to some unpleasant surprises later on. A similar sentiment is articulated by this meme:

Donna blames internet dating services for exacerbating the problem of not knowing your partner, and the resulting high divorce rate. According to her, these websites are “time consuming, ineffective, and people aren’t honest. They lie about everything.” Donna considers her service a much-needed alternative to online dating; instead of advertising yourself to lure other people to you, you present your most honest self to Donna and she picks someone out for you based on that knowledge. Donna takes pride in her old-fashioned attitude towards her business; she never uses a computer, except for printing out the profile test. She calculates her scores manually, and keeps all her records from the past 27 years on paper. She even keeps her phone and answering machine in the other room of her office, separate from where she works and meets clients, so that she can answer and return calls at her leisure.

Her goal is to make her clients as prepared and informed as possible before they agree to meet with each other. Her position as middleman makes for honest, clear communication. “What they’re trying to do is help me help them,” she explains, “so they know that the more they share with me and the more honest they are with me, the better I can match them.” 

This three-way communication continues after the match, when Donna’s job becomes more about counseling and coaching. Donna prescribes a strict procedure for the newly matched pair: she exchanges names and phone numbers, and the man calls the woman—a rule made to ensure that there’s no misunderstanding about who calls first. The only purpose of the phone conversation is to set up the in-person meeting, which also should not be long. (“No lunch or dinner, just a cup of coffee, one hour.”)

The feedback continues after each date. “It takes all the pressure off the situation, doesn’t put anyone on the spot, and it allows the process to become more focused and fine-tuned.” She facilitates feedback after each of the next few dates, and, depending on the client, after a relationship is established. Until a pair of clients become intimate, they are encouraged to meet other matches. 

Unlike most matchmaking services, Donna charges based on matches rather than time. Her clients typically purchase 10 matches—although they sometimes find success before they end up meeting the other matches—for $1,800. When Donna can’t make 10 matches, she charges less. The unlimited relationship counseling is free of charge. She even provides coaching for people who have met significant others outside of her service.

I ask Donna what she does for queer clients. She says that, occasionally but increasingly frequently, she’ll get a call from someone asking to be matched with someone of the same gender. She tells whoever is calling that she doesn’t have matches for them in the system yet, but that they can be the first if they’d like. Since it’s obviously discouraging to have no potential matches, no one has been willing. So far, she’s been unsuccessful at starting a client base for queer matchmaking, though she hopes that this will change in the future. 

 

Donna became a matchmaker, ironically, after going through a divorce. She met her ex-husband just after she graduated from high school. Her father, a colonel in the U.S. Air Force, got her a job as a secretary in Scotland, where he was stationed. There she started going out with Herb, a boy in the Air Force. She moved back to the U.S., and they dated long-distance for a few months while she was in school at Memphis State University. Herb went home to Connecticut for a short period before he was to be relocated to Pakistan for 15 months. Donna decided to take a break from her studies and spend time with him and his family. 

Next thing she knew, she was pregnant. “Back when I got pregnant there was no [access to] birth control, no abortion. You had a baby,” she says. So they decided they would get married just 10 days before Herb left for Pakistan. By the time he came home, their first daughter was seven months old. 

Donna describes the beginning of marriage and motherhood as a challenging time. Suddenly she was a 19-year-old mother living away from her family, on the third floor of a house where she didn’t know the people downstairs. And the marriage was not a match Donna herself would have set up. “My ex-husband’s a great guy,” she assures me. “He was always good to me, he was always good to the girls. I just knew that I couldn’t spend the rest of my life in that marriage.” She stuck with it for 20 years until finally, at 40 years old and after two years of marriage counseling, she decided to go through with a divorce. 

During her marriage, Donna had held mostly part-time jobs. After the divorce she found herself newly single and in need of a career. “And never in a million years did I think it would be matchmaking,” she says, despite the fact that at her 25th high school reunion, after she had been a matchmaker for a few years, she got a reward for “most obvious career path.” She was known in high school and throughout her marriage for bringing couples together. “I probably had half a dozen weddings under my belt before I even thought about being a matchmaker,” she laughs. “It’s something that I feel like I have the talent for.”

Before Donna became her own boss, she worked for two dating services in Denver: Successful Singles International and Matchmaker International. The first service went out of business, and the second one put pressure on her to match clients quickly. Discouraged by the hard sell technique, she decided she wanted to start her own company. She opened “Perfectly Matched” on October 6, 1991. It was the first dating service with an office in Colorado Springs. 

Skeptical that an emerging dating service would have easy, immediate success, I ask Donna whether it was hard to build a client base at first. In response, she pulls out a large yellow pad. “This is my computer,” she says proudly. “I don’t share this with a lot of people: this is every sale from every client every day for 27 years.” The prices she started with were as low as $100-250, compared to the approximately $1,800 that she charges today. “And I was honest,” she adds. “I couldn’t come in and say I’d been doing this forever when nobody knew what a dating service was back then. So I told [my first clients], ‘You’re number one in the system, you’re number two.’”

It strikes me as funny that Donna considers matchmaking an up-and-coming service, when, to me, it feels like an antiquated alternative to apps like Tinder. It’s nearly impossible to calculate the success rate of any dating service, because of the difficulty of defining what a successful match is. Do you include casual relationships? Relationships that have broken up? Divorces?). But Donna’s thorough screening process and careful facilitation strikes me as more likely to be “successful” than Tinder’s mindless swiping. The other key difference between Tinder and Donna is that Donna is as much of a relationship “coach and counselor” as she is a matchmaker. “My job really starts when somebody gets into a relationship,” she says. “I do more counseling and coaching than I do matchmaking.”

This aspect of her work requires strong therapeutic skills and the ability to be a friend as well as a service. I ask Donna if she has to deal with a lot of heartbreak during her coaching sessions. She points to the corner of the desk. “Why do you think those Kleenex are sitting right there?”

Because of her role as a relationship counselor, Donna’s own involvement in her clients’ lives often extends into friendship. One couple she matched even came by her office on the way home from the hospital the day after their son was born. Donna is often invited her clients’ weddings. She always makes sure to ask if the other attendees know the couple met through her after an embarrassing wedding incident in which the groom told everyone that they’d met through Donna but the bride said they’d met through a friend. “I’m standing there at the wedding and one of [the groom’s] friends is saying, ‘He told me how they met through your service, that’s so great!’ And the bride’s sister looks at [the groom] and says, ‘You met her through a dating service? She told me you met her on the ski slope!’”

Donna’s approach to love is hard for me to relate to as a young person who isn’t looking for long-lasting romance. In a phone conversation after the interview, Donna and I speculate briefly about how her test and matching system might work for “millennials.” Regardless of the aspects of her process that aren’t relevant to my age group, the strategy of mediating a relationship so that each party is honest and knows about each other’s lifestyle and goals from the beginning seems to be universally valuable. “What I do is the opposite from what people do on their own,” Donna tells me. “I start with the things that matter.” Donna and I still have somewhat different ideas about what “matters” in a relationship. I still can’t imagine judging a potential significant other by their thoughts on designer clothing or the theory of evolution. But, thinking back to my Tinder experience, maybe I’ll have a bit more success if I make my goals and opinions clear from the beginning—and, of course, guess at my date’s temperament and affection scores (which I’ve already started doing).  

 

Letter From the Editor: Silent

Dear Reader,

Over Colorado College’s spring break, a lengthy white supremacist diatribe, which specifically targeted Deans Mike Edmonds and Rochelle Mason, was sent through an encrypted email service to a large portion of the CC community. In the weeks since, many have remarked that events like this are not isolated incidents, but are disturbingly common manifestations of the white privilege that underlies our country and our school. But what exactly is this privilege? Both the author of that email and many in our community have either misinterpreted or distorted the idea of white privilege as some sort of anti-white battlecry. I’d like to use this space to try to describe how exactly our community fits into the system of racism and privilege.

The sociologist Allan G. Johnson gave a lecture on privilege at the University of Wisconsin in which talked at length about Monopoly. Monopoly, he says, basically requires that you temporarily become a monster. The game only ends when one person has slowly sucked every ounce of money and property from every other player. The game encourages you to be greedy, such that if you’re not greedily snatching up properties and forcing other players into unfair trades, then, as Johnson puts it, “you’re not playing the game correctly.”

It’s an innocuous example, but even a board game can change our behavior. When I seize a friend’s property, I might say sorry, but I’m also silently thinking, hell yes, you’ll be broke in five turns. It would be a downright evil thought if it weren’t within a game. But of course, this doesn’t mean that I’m inherently a greedy human being. Because when I’m not playing Monopoly, I’m not like this. The game brings out particular qualities in me; the rules of the game establish what Johnson calls a “path of least resistance.” And the path of least resistance in Monopoly is unadulterated greed, which you’ve got to stick to even as the teary-eyed ten-year-olds you’re playing against are handing you stacks of cash. If you don’t, you won’t survive the game. 

Johnson has us consider white privilege as a sort of game—a game which, like Monopoly, presents us with a path of least resistance. What Johnson shows us is that, in our world, the path of least resistance is to accept and perpetuate white privilege.

The first aspect of white privilege that Johnson points to is that it is “white-dominated.” This means simply that as you look at the top tiers of any hierarchy in a society marked by white privilege, you’ll tend to see white people. And as you look at the lower tiers of the hierarchy, you’ll tend to see people of color. If you see someone of color in a position of control, you’ll notice it as an exception to the rule.

This is certainly true of CC. High-level administrative positions tend to be held by white people, and Deans Edmonds and Mason are exceptions to the rule. The author of the email targeted them precisely because their success threatens the continuance of white supremacy. That they have succeeded despite white privilege means we can be sure Edmonds and Mason had to be especially talented to get where they are—not the opposite, as the author claims. To recognize this, and to dismantle the racial patterns of power we’ve inherited, is to step off the path of least resistance.

Johnson says that a society in which white privilege operates will also be “white-identified.” This is to say that “white people are taken as the standard for human beings in general.” At CC, the white experience is taken to be the standard experience both numerically and culturally. The student body is nearly two thirds white, but the way we often portray CC makes it sound like the school is entirely white. Many of the school-advertised hallmarks of CC, like expensive ski trips, a rock climbing gym, our own music festivals, et cetera are historically white spaces.

We can see this white-identification clearly by looking at whose stories we choose to tell. The path of least resistance is, of course, to tell white people’s stories. And the vast majority of Cipher’s stories are, even in this issue, about white people. The system of white privilege has made white students feel entitled to tell their stories, so those are the stories we end up with. The path of least resistance here is to simply accept this fact, and keep telling the same stories.

How we choose to tell these stories is also important: stories by and about white people almost never refer to subjects’ or authors’ race. We don’t even think of them as stories about white people; we just think of them as stories. When there is an occasional story about someone of color, on the other hand, that fact is always mentioned, and almost always made integral to the story. This disparity doesn’t exist because white people’s race is irrelevant to their lives. The disparity exists because, as James Baldwin put it, “Being white means not having to think about it.” We can take a resistant path in this regard by thinking about it—by making explicit the ways race is a factor in stories about and/or by white people.

This system is a game we have all inherited, regardless of race, without anyone asking us for our permission. It’s a system in which we have to live, at least until we change it. So although to some degree it is inevitable that white people participate in the problem of white privilege, white people can also be part of the solution. For instance, the typical result of white privilege is that white people feel entitled to the power and attention that they’ve inherited, and threatened when that power and attention is challenged. But this doesn’t have to be the case: we can celebrate the fact that people of color are gaining power, and aid in shifting attention away from solely white stories.

Progress has already been made at CC. Seven years ago, 18% of CC students were people of color; this year, it’s almost 25 percent. The more students of color who are present, the more CC can resist white-domination. And, in part because of these changing numbers, white students’ experience at CC is becoming less central by the year. Some Cipher writers, for instance, have recently made a concerted effort to tell the kinds of stories that are usually silenced. (You can find a compilation of recent Cipher stories that address race and racism at ciphermagazine.com.) 

This school and this magazine can and must do better. I’m confident that Cipher’s staff, and especially our newest editors, will.

    Sincerely,

    Ethan Cutler, Editor-in-Chief

 

Smith Banner.jpg

Tiny droplets of water scatter across the window, accelerating with the car. They race together, then swirl in the bottom corner under the fog of my breath. Curls of hot air spread and shrink. I draw a smiley face. Then I wipe it off the window, drawing my hand back, wet and cold.

My Dad asks if I’m warm enough. I nod and turn my gaze back outside. Pastures slowly morph into city lights, still hazy in the early hour. The car’s twists and turns harmonize with the music he’s playing, so that we stop at the last light as the final song begins. The light turns green as the brass accompaniment belts its first notes. I drum my fingers on my knee; my dad turns the volume up. 

Paul Simon’s voice floods the car, and I soak it in, energy building in my veins. We reach school just before the final chorus begins. A kiss goodbye and the door opens with melodious whistles and trumpets announcing a new day, my every day.

***

I never asked why he played the same playlist every morning. I didn’t ask my Dad much of anything. I didn’t see him often beyond that 20-minute car ride together every morning, since I would be asleep before he returned home late. I knew his peculiar routines but couldn’t tell you much about his life before I was born. He arranged his books alphabetically, owned over 30 ties, and often only ate an apple before dinner. I knew from a young age that he liked his martinis dirty and that he believed civilization had been in decline since Rome fell. There was no animosity between us, no dislike—just indifference and a bit of fear. We were intimate strangers.

On Sundays, classical melodies would echo through our home, signifying a meditative silence until we left for evening mass, where I would sit with my head under a lace veil, alone in the glossy pew. Only men could participate in the Catholic service, and my Mom wasn’t welcome—she’s Protestant. During that time, I witnessed my Dad’s relationship with God as proof of his capacity for love. It just never seemed to be directed at me. 

I tried to fill these gaps in understanding by making occasional visits to the house where my Dad grew up, and where his parents still lived, in southern Kentucky. Soft pink lace and embroidered angels dominated the decor and a massive harp filled the small living room. My Nanna was a renowned harpist, although I never heard her play. My Papaw was a carpenter and mechanic; he made me a jewelry box when I was nine and lined it with red felt. 

To this day, I have never met two more pious and gentle people than my Dad’s parents. Yet Dad rarely came on these visits, and when he did, there was always a palpable awkwardness. He was the puzzle piece with the stiff corner that didn’t seem to fit anywhere. Once when Dad was at dinner, I saw Papaw fumble through the blessing, his big reflective eyes filling with tears, anxious for our salvation. Perhaps he was concerned because my Dad’s presence reminded him that they were Baptist and we were Catholic—but I never had the opportunity, nor desire, to ask. My pride kept me silent. His inability to understand kept him distant. 

***

When I was in eighth grade, Mom told me she had filed for a divorce as she backed out of the driveway one morning after Dad had already moved out. This was no surprise to me; if anything, I was glad they had given up on delaying the inevitable. 

I said okay and sat wondering if I should say something else. It seemed unnatural for me to try to comfort someone who had so often comforted me. Then a loud pop filled the space for me. “Fuck,” my Mom said, with a quiet bitterness. She jammed the car into park, wrenched open the door, and jumped out.

She had run over a basketball that we had discarded after a recent game. Once the lifeless leather was thrown into the yard, she got back into the car. She mumbled an apology and we sat there for a minute, her ragged breath going in and out. Hands gripping the steering wheel, squeezing the cream-colored leather. I concentrated on the grimy rubber mat under my feet, staring at the dirt and crusted grass wedged in the cracks. Anywhere but at her. 

***

I only saw Dad occasionally after that. There was his house, first on Sycamore, then on Della, and finally on Lime. He never bought enough furniture—I think because he knew he wouldn’t need it. What little common ground we had was being pulled out from under us, and neither of us did anything to cushion the fall. He had an obnoxious girlfriend whose name sounded German but wasn’t. I made no attempt to be welcoming. I wasn’t unwelcoming, necessarily. And he and I never fought. But maybe that’s just because we deal with emotions the same way—by letting them boil under the surface, too scared and too stubborn to push them through the cracks. 

He didn’t invite anyone to mass on Sundays because he no longer went. I wasn’t around to witness this sudden rejection of his lifelong faith, I only knew that he now rolled his eyes at churchgoers and didn’t care whether I said my prayers before bed. He changed more than just his address in those few years, but I was too concerned with my turbulent adolescence to give it much thought. 

 

The day before I left for boarding school, Dad gave me a CD. Shiny, silver, and unmarked. It seemed like a lazy, noncommittal form of communication that I didn’t want to accept. I considered not listening to it at all. 

But a few days later, my defiance gave way to curiosity. I dropped onto my bed and slipped the disc in. It was only one song. I listened to the unfamiliar lyrics:

As long as one and one is two

Ooh ooh

There could never be a father

Love his daughter more than I love you

My cheeks were damp before the final chorus ended. This was the Paul Simon I had known from our daily morning car rides, yet in a new vulnerable light. It was an obvious declaration of love, of promise. Yet it felt intangible—a virtual affection. Even now, hearing that song evokes a residual sadness. It’s an emblem of my Dad’s love and of his inability to say it.

***

My boarding school in Virginia had a long driveway that ended at a building held up by looming, white pillars. I had to get permission slips to leave the campus and complete a mandatory Shakespeare exam to graduate. Confederate flag-embroidered belts on salmon-colored pants were not uncommon, and to rebel against the pretension, my friends and I would skip chapel and eat extra desserts in the music rooms. (What a rush.) I listened to a lot of The National and was agnostic about everything.  

Dad visited a lot. He loved the old library, the sense of tradition, the fact that I rowed crew. He constantly told me how proud he was of me, which I took to mean that he loved saying he was visiting his daughter outside D.C. this weekend, who was in boarding school and doing great. He never saw my friends or what I painted; his pride was selective. We discussed my grades, and I began to grow resentful. I resented that he felt at home in a place he couldn’t see I hated. I resented how changed I felt and how unnoticed it went. In those years, my disappointment thumped beneath the floorboards, its consistency almost comforting. 

***

Mom and I drove back with all my things from Virginia to Kentucky in a straight stretch. I lounged with my feet squished against the windshield, the heat from my skin leaving little toe prints on the glass. We were heading towards the end of West Virginia, twisting through the evergreens and dusty mud cliffs, and she was ranting—at first about Dad’s lack of communication and then about his “overall flawed character.” I was used to this and gave an occasional, discreet sound to indicate my indifferent affirmation. I tried not to engage in this kind of behavior; to still be upset seemed childish to me. A waste of energy. Perhaps this reveals my naiveté—I had yet to love another, to understand how the wound of that betrayal lingers. 

There was no immediate change in perspective—it had snuck up gradually. It might have started when, upon starting college that fall, I decided to go by “Tucker” instead of my given name, “Ann Tucker.” I was choosing who I wanted to become. I did not want to depend on anyone else for change. 

“I’ve forgiven him,” I said to Mom.

 “Okay. Why?” she responded.

 “I’m tired of it,” I said honestly, but unsure exactly what I was being honest about. I think I was tired of waiting for him to change and being let down when it didn’t happen. It seemed like the time to try to be different.  

***

During my sophomore year of college, my Dad and I sat before a stage, watching people mill about. They wandered through a maze of green plastic chairs, spilling beer and searching for friends. The sky was violet, and the audience buzzed with anticipatory energy. But the minutes were turning slowly before the music began, and I was impatient. To fill the silence, I turned to Dad and asked what he did right after he graduated from college. 

He told me that he had spent a year back in his hometown, working at the steel mill and finishing his thesis paper that he had yet to turn in. For someone who I had known to be a rigid professional, this aimlessness came as a pleasant surprise. He didn’t expand, but what he said was enough. “This has been a good break for us,” he told me the next day. It was relieving: he finally seemed to be recognizing what was lacking between us. 

I don’t know if we’ll ever understand each other. We are bent on our respective paths with divergences that outnumber the intersections. My dad is now an atheist, owns 40 ties, bakes the best bread pudding and doesn’t eat any of it. He remains a collection of pieces, but ones I no longer force to fit a mold of what I want to see. 

We are both in constant states of redefinition where we may be learning to understand ourselves better, but not necessarily the other. Sometimes the space between us seems like a chasm with no visible bridges; other times, it feels as if it’s drawing to a close. We may never settle that distance, but we recognize it’s there. 

A Good Scare

The Scary Guy didn’t plan to be an anti-hate speaker covered head-to-toe in tattoos, but that is unmistakably who he is. He travels the world speaking about discrimination and prejudice, and, having been discriminated against for his unusual appearance, he speaks from experience. Tattoos cover his entire face, neck, and head. He has bar piercings through the bridge of his nose. And he also happens to be one of the nicest people I’ve ever met.

I didn’t know what to expect when I scheduled an interview with him. Could I call him “Scary,” or would he demand to be called by his full title? Part of my nervousness probably stemmed from the fact that he looks very much like the type of guy your parents told you to avoid on the street. Before talking to him, I visited http://thescaryguy.com, which, yes, is his website. The site opens with a vibrant photo montage of Scary speaking at various events, shaking people’s hands, always smiling and laughing. In between clips, snippets of his message pop up in aggressive fonts accompanied by loud music: “outlawed in two U.S. cities,” “an agent for change,” “the NEW face of love.” The montage ends with the words “ignorance is not bliss” in large print. Its general message is somehow both loving and very aggressive. The website is elegant and well maintained, though its effect is somewhat dampened by numerous close-ups of Scary’s tattooed eyelids and piercings. In each shot, he either looks frightening or jolly—or, more often, both at the same time.

I called him at 8 a.m. in Colorado Springs—3 p.m. in Manchester, England, where he lives and works. He picked up my video call and explained that he was stuck in traffic, so we rescheduled. This first call lasted about 60 seconds, but by the end of it I felt that we were friends. He talked with me the way you might expect an old friend to talk with you. Twenty years ago he started a seven day challenge to not say a single negative thing about another human for a full week, and he’s continued that challenge since. (I’m glad to report he’s kept his track record clean in interactions with me.) Scary just assumes he’s going to be friends with everyone, and apparently, he is. And that’s saying a lot for a guy who is so physically threatening that, twenty years ago, people used cross to the other side of the street to avoid him. These days, people cross to his side of the street to get his autograph. That’s what happens when you’re relentlessly friendly toward everyone you meet for a couple decades.

Scary isn’t exactly nice in the polite, Midwestern way. He’s very direct and doesn’t waste any words on superfluous niceties. When he’s working with children, he never does that thing I remember hating as a child, where adults would raise the pitch of their voices to talk to me, as though I were a pet. He’s not the sickly saccharine type of nice. He’s just no-bullshit. He recognizes that every other human is as fully human as he is.

The power of Scary’s reputation for kindness really can’t be overstated. Schools used to not let him in at all, much less pay him to give speeches. Even after he had gained some clout from touring, he wasn’t allowed to speak in some schools because teachers were afraid that the children would want to be like him. But Scary says the change in attitude isn’t just due to his fame. He believes the world is slowly warming up to people who choose to express themselves differently.

Now that I was kind of friends with the colorful, ever-earnest man named Scary, I planned to find out how exactly he ended up where he is now: receiving $6,500 from schools to spend an hour yelling emphatically at their children about the importance of being kind. When he Skyped me from his living room, I noticed his walls were decorated with his and his wife’s artwork. (Scary has drawn and painted since childhood.) Throughout his early adulthood, Scary worked as a computer salesman. He didn’t get a single tattoo until he was 30. As soon as he did, though, he fell in love with how personal and expressive the art form was. On the first weekend he got a tattoo, he got another four. 

He began living a full-on double life in his 30s and early 40s. He was a leather-clad, Harley-riding tattoo apprentice on the weekend, and a shirt-tucked-in computer salesman during the week. He got lots of tattoos from Suzanne Fauser, one of the few highly successful female tattoo artists around at the time. Through all of these sessions with Fauser, he learned her art without realizing he was learning it. When he went to the tattoo parlor, he found the same sort of release and self-expression that he had found in painting. In fact, he found tattooing an even more intimate art than painting because the tattoo artist’s canvas is skin itself. By the time Fauser had tattooed most of Scary’s body, they had developed a close friendship. He respected her as an artist and as a woman challenging the boundaries of a male-dominated industry. He saw that her love of the art form pushed her to break the gender norms and boundaries that restricted even such a freeing and creative industry.

Scary himself went on to push back against the norms of the tattooing industry. There is a tacit but strict rule in the tattooing community that one was not supposed to tattoo their face, neck, or hands. Every tattoo artist would persuade their customers that those areas were absolutely untouchable. So Scary proceeded to tattoo his face, neck, and hands. He had escaped into the tattoo community to be able to express himself and make his body look however he wanted, so he wasn’t about to be ordered around by restrictive rules.

Around the time Scary made that jump, he quit his job as a computer salesman and became fully rooted in the tattoo industry. He spent most of his 40s running three tattoo parlors in Tucson, Arizona, working on his art, and helping his clients express themselves on their own skin.

One morning, however, Scary opened the newspaper to an advertisement by one of his local competitors. The ad read, “Tired of working with scary guys with war-paint tattoos?” He says he slammed the paper down and, feeling something like a Disney villain, immediately started plotting his revenge. He knew the ad was aimed not only at his tattoo business, but also at his very mode of self-expression. Scary thought of running over the guy’s dog or enlisting the help of some of his buddies to strong-arm his competitor. The guy had wronged him first, Scary thought, so it was completely justified to hurt him back. (Scary had always thought of himself as a good guy—even if he had an unusual definition of “good.”)

Then, somewhere in the midst of all his anger, he realized that even though his “war paint tattoos” didn’t make him a bad guy, all his revenge-plotting and bad-mouthing was exactly the sort of thing that someone would expect from a guy who looked like him. He did have the right to express himself with whatever tattoos he wanted, but he was beginning to see that he didn’t have the right to stoop to the level of the guys he was taking revenge on. He realized he had been acting hypocritically his whole life. He had been bad-mouthed and stereotyped, and now he had to face the fact that he was no better than the man who had “libeled” him in the newspaper.

Scary divides his life into the time before that realization and the time after. He took a hard look at his behavior and noticed a cycle of hatred and negativity. He had been taking in other people’s negativity and casting it back out into the world. This problem was thorough and wide-reaching. Violence in schools was getting worse, he noticed, and suicides were becoming more common. So, with a new sense of purpose, Scary set out to change more than just himself. Just as quickly as he went from being a computer salesman to a motorcycle-riding tattoo artist, Scary went from salesman to something like an aspiring New Age religious leader. The first thing he did was to change his name to the very same lame insult his competitor had thrown at him: a scary guy. And not just a scary guy, but The Scary Guy.

Then he began his research. He started talking to people of all ages. He asked them whether they thought of themselves as nice people, whether they thought other people were nice to them, and whether they believed that world peace was possible. He quit his job as a tattoo shop owner and artist and began traveling the world to learn about the causes of violence and hatred. He found that kids started falling off of the “world peace wagon” around early middle school, so that’s the age group to which he started directing his message. 

 

The Scary Guy, as should now be clear, is a man of extremes. He painted nonstop as a child, then stopped painting and became a white collar computer salesman. When that started to feel suffocating, he got one tattoo on a Saturday, had four more by Monday, and was soon traveling to another city every week, getting tattooed from head to toe. A couple years later, he owned three tattoo parlors in Tucson and was about to run over a guy’s dog. Then, when he realized he had become the epitome of an overly proud and vengeful motorcycle-riding tattoo junkie, he had what he now calls a “total emotional death experience.” That’s when he changed his name, and began travelling to elementary schools to “train” students to advocate for world peace. Scary was determined to be so militantly nice that he would scare all traces of meanness out of his trainees.

The content of his trainings varies, but one of the central teachings is that no one should be judged for how they choose to express themselves. Specifically, Scary rejects the way people tend to look down on “body modifications” like tattoos and piercings because, from Scary’s perspective, something as simple as gaining weight or getting a haircut could be called body modification. He says he’s more concerned with personality. 

But for a guy ultimately concerned with what’s beneath the surface, Scary is pretty interested in how people decorate their skin. That’s because, unlike most other art forms, “you’re dealing with a living human body and their emotions.” As a tattoo artist, his materials are not just ink and skin, but also personality. The best designs, after all, are reflections of who a client is, or who they want to be. In that way, they bridge the gap between what’s underneath and what’s on the surface. He showed me the sketch of one of his favorite tattoos he’s given, an image of a client’s aunt’s ragdoll. He seems to remember every tattoo he’s given and the specific story behind each one.

Scary believes wholeheartedly that human relationships depend on what lies beneath appearance. Because his appearance is shocking, it causes people to look—then look away, guilty—and then look again. Once he has their attention, he teaches them to see beneath the surface. His plan was never to modify his body to shock people into listening to an anti-hate message, but it certainly works now.

I’m not usually one for self-help or motivational talks, but watching Scary’s speeches made me genuinely motivated to eradicate all malice from my life. He’s just up there on stage, screaming his painted head off about how much it sucks that people are mean to each other. He’s completely aware of how bizarre his presentation is, and he revels in it. His personality seems so strange that it could only be a performance, but he’s completely sincere. 

Scary could be easily categorized as one of those TED Talk motivational speakers who leaves you super enthused for about three hours, but unaffected in the long run. But I think Scary is onto something. Maybe we need less polite niceties and more strangeness. Then we could all follow Scary’s example: owning who we are, and unabashedly displaying our exact brand of weird.

Dear Lehna

dear lehna,

I’m the one who sits four seats down from you in lecture. couldn’t help but notice you today. we met eyes for a second until you broke the contact. maybe come make dinner at my apartment tonight?

xo,

greta

 

I’m one week out. She came this morning and took everything, even the notes. Now I’m scouring the apartment, looking for something that might still smell like her, or have her tiny script on it. Nothing. She took her IKEA hamper, even though I still had clothes in it. I open the fridge, hoping for a half-drunk bottle of water that still had the touch of her lips on it. She took everything she bought, including the Heinz ketchup. She doesn’t even like ketchup. I look under the bed, in the bins on the top shelf of the closet. I find a bit of comfort in the bathroom, the only place in our apartment where she has failed to scrub her existence from tangible memory. There’s an old prescription bottle in the back of the cabinet under the sink; I smooth my thumb over her name on the plastic orange container.

 “Okay,” I try speaking out loud for the first time all day. “Let’s do a shower.” I sound stupid. Maybe that’s why she left me. Everything about me is probably why she left me, but I like trying to parse it out myself, figure out the breaking point. It’s easier to think she left me because I always leave clothes on the floor, because my hands are clammy, because I told her that Jake kissed me at the company’s holiday party. She did get mad about Jake, which made me laugh, which made her more mad, which made me nervous. I remember the fight like it was two weeks ago. Because it was two weeks ago.

 “You did what?” she asked, green eyes flaring already.

 “He kissed me. While we were leaving, he just grabbed me,” I shrugged.

 “Lehna, what? Did you kiss back?” She put her fingers on her temples, brow furrowed like she was thinking hard. I don’t think she was, though.

 “Greta, I’m gay,” I told her, like she didn’t already know. “Come on. I love you.” I reached out, and she shrank away from me.

“I know. I know you do. It’s hard standing on the pedestal you put me on.” She sighed, and I looked at her expectantly. I knew she loved me, or I thought she did, but she didn’t give me the satisfaction of the words.

“Greta? It’s me and you. There’s no pedestal—” I began, but before I could continue she stood up and stormed out the door. But she came back an hour later with a bag of limes, mint, soda water, and a smile. “Mojito night!” she said. I figured she was over it.

I think she really was over it, though, which just confirms the worst. She didn’t leave because I did something she didn’t like. She left because I am something she didn’t like.

 

dear lehna,

I had so much fun last night, staying up with you just talking until the sun came up. I didn’t go to sleep until three the next day. still thinking about your lips. see you on monday.

xo,

greta

 

Four days out. “Well, honestly, it’s better that she’s gone,” Cara tells me over brunch. I’m eating a hardboiled egg because I don’t deserve better.

“Parts of the apartment still kind of smell like her, if I really stick my nose in them,” I say, not really listening to Cara.

“I don’t know how you stayed with her so long. She was insufferable, Lehna. She was awful. She had a Smiths tattoo on her ribcage, for Christ’s sake!” Cara is right, she did—well, she still does—have a Smiths tattoo. She loved Morrissey.

“I’ve got the 21st century breathing down my neck,” I whisper, remembering how it felt to brush my fingers over the smooth ridges of her ribs, kissing the first letter of every word.

“That’s a fucking stupid quote!” Cara says, pissed on my behalf. “I’m sorry, am I going crazy? How is that a good lyric? It’s not even a good Smiths’ song.” I’m still not listening. “Frankly, Mr. Shankly” is echoing in my head. Cara’s right—it isn’t a good song. I don’t care.

Cara’s poached egg bleeds all over her toast, the charred rye absorbing the yellow like a sponge. I wonder if the yolk could ever be taken out of the toast, if the toast could become bread again, if the bread could become yeast and flour and salt and water again.

“I mean, were you guys ever really that happy?” Cara asks. I look up sharply.

“I’d never been happier in my entire life. You don’t get it, you’ve never been in love, not like this. She wasn’t just beautiful, she was enchanting, she was … she was Greta, that’s what she was.” I don’t want to snap at Cara, but her words are fingers in my fresh wound.

“Well, yeah, she was enchanting. That’s the point, Lehna. She, like, beguiled you.” Cara keeps trying. She’s a good friend, the kind you don’t want at a time like this. Good advice is useless when you want to keep doing what’s bad for you.

“I don’t need your grand theories about my relationship, thanks.”

Cara raises her eyebrows but drops the subject. She starts talking about an upcoming writer’s event that she wants me to come to, but her words are drowned out by my same crappy, unending thoughts.

 

dear lehna,

I saw this persimmon tree on my walk home so I picked you a few. I remember you said that persimmons taste like sunshine and honey and I want you to eat them and think about me like I’m sunshine and honey.

xo,

greta

 

On day zero she says, “I just don’t love you, Lehna. I don’t know why I was trying to convince myself that I did. What I’ve figured out, what Sara has helped me figure out, is that I had been searching for someone who had the same baggage as me instead of finding someone to carry it for me.”

She tells me this with an air of finality. Sara is the new girlfriend, though I didn’t even know I was the ex-girlfriend yet. In the back of my mind I register how bad Sara’s advice is, because putting all your shit on someone else isn’t the recipe for a healthy relationship. Sara writes poetry, though, so it makes sense that she’d give shitty advice.

I try to work with this stupid metaphor despite myself. “Gret, just because we have the same baggage”—we don’t, first of all—“doesn’t mean I can’t carry yours for you.” I reach my hand across our little two-person dining table. Her fingernails are painted dark green.

“I should’ve known you’d be difficult about this,” she sighs and looks down. “My horoscope told me to look out for people trying to prevent me from making progress.”

“What did mine say? Not to let go of the ones that I love?” 

She gives me a pained look and mutters, “You are so textbook Pisces it’s actually ridiculous sometimes.” I consider asking which fabled astrology guide she’s so keen to fit me in, but it’s not the time or place. And anyway, that would probably seem “textbook Pisces” to her.

 “This just seems very sudden to me, Gret,” I start, words balling up in my mouth. “I love you, and I think that you love me. I get that sometimes things are confusing and maybe we forget along the way how we feel, but we’re for each other, we’ve said it time and again and it’s true!” I’m fumbling my words.

She interrupts, “If you noticed anything at all you’d know it’s not sudden, at least not to me. I’m sorry you feel that way. But I can’t hold on for your sake.” My stomach ties itself into eight different sailor’s knots. This is not just another fight.

“It’s like, in ‘Wuthering Heights!’ With Catherine and Heathcliffe, that quote, the … we’re made of the same soul stuff, Greta.” I try so hard not to cry, but it’s pointless. I do, and she’s uncomfortable, but leans forward to gently touch my hand.

“Lehna, that’s a novel. This is life.”

“I will do anything to make you stay. Anything you want. What do you want?”

“I don’t want anything.”

Greta tells me she thinks she has a star inside of her, her energy, her something. Greta tells me that I am killing her star, that I will make her a supernova and eventually a black hole. Greta tells me she is leaving me—it’s final. Her phone starts buzzing on the table. It’s Sara. Sara’s poetry collection was apparently just published by an independent publisher in Chicago. It’s called, “while I was saying it I wished that I weren’t.” That night when I order it online, I laugh because maybe if she wished she hadn’t said it, she shouldn’t have published an entire fucking book of it. I laugh so hard I choke, and keep laughing until I cry.

 

dear lehna,

happiest halloween morning! I’ll be back by six or seven, the show might go late but I’ll try my best to make it. remember to get candy just in case the hansen’s kids knock. they’re so precious I could cry. makes you wonder about someday, doesn’t it?

xo,

greta

 

Day one. Today I won’t change out of my sweatpants or wash my hair, or really do anything. Cara calls to check in and tell me to eat. Greta left last night after we talked. Sara came to pick her up on her motorcycle. I hate Sara because she’s a cooler queer than me. She has tattoos her friends gave her of daggers on her thighs and carnivorous plants on her biceps. She’s tall and thin and model-like in her sexy androgyny. Sara is the kind of edgy but non-threatening queer, the kind magazines feature to seem modern and politically aware. Sara spent a year in Berlin, and she got into Berghain every time without a problem. Somewhere in the back of my mind, or maybe the front of my mind, or really all over my mind, I wonder if Greta loves Sara because of these stupid things she is and I am not. Greta wants the flash and fire of long nights out and cigarettes at 6 a.m., not Joni Mitchell albums and tea. Maybe I have it all wrong, maybe I’m using an old model of Appropriate Gayness. I forgot to update my operating system. I bet Sara has no bed frame, I bet Sara’s mattress just sits on the ground. But I love bed frames, I think as I lie on the bed.

Greta’s things are still here. I pick up her comb and stare at the bright blonde strands dangling from the plastic rectangle. I consider eating one strand. Love makes us do crazy things. I don’t eat a strand, but because Cara told me to eat, I eat 11 applesauce cups and then sit on my bed and listen to Greta’s records. Greta says she listens to vinyl because it makes listening to music more special, more of “an event.” I think it’s kind of stupid, but here I am. Once, I found her the British version of the Beach Boys’ single “God Only Knows,” where it’s the A-side and not the B-side. She says that was the best thing I ever did for her. The best thing Greta did for me is love me. I think. If she did.

I don’t know when she’s coming back. She ended our conversation last night with, “I’ll come back soon. To get my things,” which was promising in a doomed kind of way. I couldn’t wait to see her again, to try and convince her to stay.

I suddenly realize she could come at any moment, and I am already playing the part of the deserted girlfriend, desolate and greasy and clutching the remaining traces of her, so I throw myself into the shower. My stomach is bloated from all the applesauce, and my eyes are still puffy from crying, lying under the striped cotton sheets, alone for the first time in two years.

Greta’s shampoo smells like coconut. She said she needed special shampoo for curl definition, so I bought it for her. I squeeze the pearlescent, viscous liquid into my hand and slather it into my hair even though she hates when I use it. The smell is familiar. Suds well up between my fingers, and I scratch my head over and over again until I feel something like clean. I see my body, alone, reflected on the glass of the shower door. I remember the showers we would take together when we first moved into the apartment, hot water glistening on her skin and kissing her collarbone and the soft underneath of her arm down to her fingertips. We would get out of the shower and, shivering, dripping—wrap towels around one another and sit next to the window and decide what we would plant in the garden we did not have.

In the mornings, when I left before her, she would stretch her arms out to me and arch her back and half-whisper-half-whine, “Don’t leave, stay here and kiss me,” and I’d think in my head about how I didn’t have to stay because there she’d be when I got home. And then there she’d be, when I got home, belly up underneath the dining room table trying to fix its loose leg.

I get out of the shower and crouch on the bathmat with my towel wrapped around me like a cape. I find that 2 p.m. is quite possibly the loneliest hour of the day.

 

dear lehna,

please try to understand where I’m coming from. I know words can hurt and I’m trying my best to say how I feel. remember that honesty is important and I wouldn’t say these things if I didn’t care for you. I want to be the person you see in me, for both of our sakes.

xo,

greta

Greta knew definitively that she was gay after her third boyfriend told her, “Greta, maybe you’re gay,” as a joke after he watched her kiss their mutual friend at a high school party on a dare. It had started with that special teenage boy breed of lechery, boys intrigued by women together after their first forays into the lesbian section of Pornhub. Greta, ever impressionable but also host to a voracious curiosity, caved into the boys’ dares and tentatively kissed Ella, a volleyball player four inches taller with a body that Greta had always been drawn to. She’d always figured it was just envy, but when Ella tucked a long black piece of hair behind her ear before they kissed, Greta realized envy was not the word for it. 

Fifteen-year-old Greta, three beers in and still reeling from the rightness of the kiss, broke up with her boyfriend later that night. He did not connect the dots. Afterwards, she snuck back into her house, quietly tiptoed past her parents’ bedroom door, and laid down in her clothes. She couldn’t sleep for hours.

 

dear lehna,

I know I’ll only have been gone a few hours by the time you read this, but I miss you so much already that my ventricles may burst open in want for you. three days without you is three days too long, can’t wait to be back in your arms. my mom called this morning to ask one more time if you please could make it. I’m asking the same in my head but I understand, love.

xo,

greta

 

Three weeks out, and I am very drunk. I know this for two reasons. First, because Cara saw me stumble on my way to the dance floor and told me, “Lehna, you’re very drunk,” and also because I’ve had five drinks in the past hour and a half. It’s Friday night which means “Girls’ night,” which means Cara and the others drag me to a bar so we can all pretend I’ve been functioning for the past two weeks since Greta packed up and left.

Cara is worried about me. She’s trying to meet my eye across the table, and when she finally does I try on a winsome smile but it feels more like a Novacaine grimace. I consider telling her I’m fine, but this would only solidify the fact that nobody thinks I am fine. Which makes sense, because I’m not. But still. I get up to go to the bathroom, plagued by nausea and a general feeling of regret.

I remember getting drunk with Greta in our last few months at school, when we were first dating and telling each other we were in love. She was always much better at it than I was, downing drinks like they were Diet Cokes (a thing Greta would never, ever put in her body). She’d spike her health food smoothies with gin when we went out. She’d wear expensive diamond jewelry with sweatpants.

I loved all of these little things she did, so silly, so entirely her. Now, in the bathroom of the bar, staring at my reflection in the dirty mirror, they begin to feel very stupid. This feels like progress to me, and I promptly vomit in the sink.

Progress.

 

dear lehna,

I’m sorry about last night, I shouldn’t have lashed out. I know you were only trying to help. it’s just that sometimes your love feels like it’s beyond me. we’re both only human. i’ll be home early tonight and we can talk about it more.

xo,

greta

 

It’s been a month. One month. Cara tells me, “Don’t look to your right.” I look to my right, at the woman putting dried fruits in her grocery cart. It’s Sara.

“What?” I try to play innocent, like I don’t know who she is. As if I hadn’t bought her book and read every poem and tried to work out which ones were about Greta and when they were written and how long were they together before Greta decided to clue me in. There was one poem that particularly irked me because I think it was about me. And it was bad, which is frustrating because if I’m going to be written about I would like it to be done well. The entire collection was sort of awful, though. Most of the pages were more blank space than words. The longest poem must have been 75 words. I think most of them are about Greta, even the ones about waterfalls or the ones about Sara’s mother or about being gay. The one about me was short and cloying and pitying.

 

do you notice

                her halting touch

               is your intimacy still intimate?

                                             you must see her lips,

         smell me on her,

                   but you still refuse to

see

             what you will not admit is there.

 

I have no idea how Sara got published. There’s a poem in the book that is literally just the word “poem” over and over again in the shape of an infinity sign. The poem that is ostensibly about me is accompanied by a rudimentary drawing of a sink with the faucet on, which probably means something to Sara but means absolutely nothing to me, because I didn’t minor in poetry at Reed College.

I watch Sara pull down the lever on the machine that grinds nuts into butter right in front of you. Almond butter. Greta loves almond butter on whole grain toast with honey drizzled on top. Sara has it all in her cart. Cara and I get flats of blueberries and enormous mangoes, and I pretend that I am unfazed as we go through self-checkout. At home I eat the mango and suck on the flat pit and contemplate burning Sara’s poetry book in the fireplace.

 

dear lehna,

there’s something up with the kitchen sink, I couldn’t figure it out on my own so I called the landlord to call whoever, and someone needs to be here between five and seven but I really really can’t so could you do it please?

greta

 

It’s been three months since, and Cara has just set me up on a date. I told her several times that I would be unpleasant but she insisted that three months of moping was too long, so I’m sitting across from this girl, Noor, in this awful coffee shop where you sit on sacks of beans instead of chairs. I drink tea. She’s really beautiful, but I’m distracted. I’m thinking of what Greta would think of this place, if she’s been here before, what she would have ordered. Almond milk latte with extra foam. The thought comes before I know it. Noor ordered a latte, too. I try to remember if she asked for regular milk or another kind. I wonder if she drinks a lot of coffee or if this is just a convenient date location. I wonder if she likes cloudy weather, or if she wears a lot of dresses like the one she’s wearing now. Does she listen to The Smiths? Maybe she writes poetry, or drives a motorcycle. Does she have a bed frame? 

“I don’t know, I just think that persimmons are an entirely underrated fruit! The kind of tall round ones are mediocre, yeah, but the little flat donut ones? Amazing!” I look up. Noor and I are talking about fruit, for some reason. I remember letting the persimmons Greta picked go rotten in the fruit bowl. 

 “Yeah,” I say, but I’m really noticing how she has strangely beautiful knees. 

“They taste kind of like sunshine.”

“I was going to say honey,” I say, “but I totally get what you mean.” She twists her hair with her hands and puts it up in a bun on top of her head.

“I know this is an unpopular opinion, but I don’t really like strawberries,” I can’t stop looking at her. I think of dried persimmons and cream cheese and a pair of hands I can’t quite place. She raises her eyebrows in disbelief.

“No way. You’re lying.” I tell her I’m not lying, and she laughs. She’s got a hiccupping sort of laugh, and I think of all of the places that I might hear it in the future. I imagine all of the ways we are going to hurt one another.

 

 dear lehna,

when I come home we really need to talk.

greta

Life in the Rio Grande Valley

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The Rio Grande River, steel-gray and smooth, cuts into the land between Mexico and the United States just 100 yards away from where this pink-lace bra lies discarded in the backlot of an abandoned building. It doesn’t take long to wonder: who did the bra belong to? Was it a woman who crossed the cold waters, freeing herself of her heavy, soaked clothes to change into something dry before moving on? Where might she be now?

From 1993 to 2008, at least 500 women were murdered along the border. Many of the femicide victims lived on the Mexico side, working in maquiladoras, factories created when the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was signed in 1994. They were often brutally murdered, mutilated, and left to rot. Their deaths underscore a dark, misogynistic reality of the borderlands.

But the borderland is also home to women who own businesses, go to university, and run for office—to young girls who aspire to be doctors. Mariam El-Haj acknowledges the machismo culture of the valley, but explains how that image is incomplete, “It’s extremely safe here, but there’s this misconception that it’s not. A lot of the media talks about this region being filled with drug dealers, and I guess just unsafe practices and ways of life. But I don’t see it when I’m walking down the street. I don’t feel necessarily scared when I’m going to my car at night. I don’t feel like I’m going to be kidnapped … those messages [are] put into the media by people who have never been here.”

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Hundreds gather to protest at the Santa Ana National Wildlife Refuge in Alamo, Texas, on January 27, 2018. A large blue-and-white striped tent sits at the edge of a tilled field that marks the boundary of the refuge, a tropical forest teeming with prickly pear cactus, bird calls, and paths that wind through 2,088 acres up to the banks of the Rio Grande River. Poets, journalists, musicians, students, mothers, undocumented immigrants, kids, generation-long residents of the valley, revolutionaries, and countless others all rallied to raise their voices against the construction of a border wall that would run directly through the wildlife refuge. At the demonstration, Martha Garcia said, “The whole park will be closed. It’s going to be demolished.”

On February 10, just two weeks after the protest, The New York Times reported that the federal government approved the construction of a three-mile wall through the Santa Ana National Wildlife Refuge. The Times article states, “Border Patrol officials have publicly said they would try to start wall construction in Santa Ana since it’s already government property.” Krista Schlyer, an award-winning photographer and writer invited to speak at the rally, directed her speech to government officials, saying, “We’re here today to make them listen. We’re here to tell them the borderland is not a bargaining chip. We’re here to tell them to pass a Clean Dream Act now. We’re here to tell them, ‘NO BORDER WALL.’ We’re here to tell them: ‘Don’t mess with Santa Ana.’”

Notes from the Neutral Ground

Neutral grounds in New Orleans have always been places of reckoning, of understanding, of communion. These grassy areas situated between traffic flowing in opposite directions are normally littered with haphazardly-strewn couches or bowling pins or even old poetry books. The term “neutral ground” comes from the early 1800s, when New Orleans was divided into separate semi-autonomous regions by the city’s Creole and Anglo populations, which would only communicate on this ground that marked the border. When I was 17 and made my first friend from outside Louisiana, I learned that the rest of the country called these spaces “medians.” This new word didn’t sit well with me because it erased the community I associated with the neutral ground. Suddenly, that space was not about bonfires in Mid-City on New Year’s Eve, where Siobhan’s mother made gumbo and we kids ran around with blankets on our heads, pretending to be the rougarou from Cajun folklore. Nor was it about Mardi Gras, when my mother, who worked at the Burger King on St. Charles, could look through the windows while calling out order numbers and see her husband and children setting up ladders and lawn chairs. “Median” was mathematical, distant; “neutral ground” was my city, my family.

My brothers and I spent our childhood on the neutral ground. Our relationship to that space, to that state of being suspended in the middle, informed our relationships to the world and community around us. Uptown, this community looked like bowling in teams of two on the Napoleon Street neutral ground. Downtown, it looked like drinking Abitas after class on a couch that we had bought from a thrift store and dragged to the St. Claude neutral ground. With my father, this community looked like standing on ladders on the St. Charles Avenue neutral ground, dressed in costumes, holding our hand-painted signs, and trying to catch beads thrown from floats by masked parade riders.

My father is a teacher. A physical education coach, to be exact, at an elementary school across the canal from our house. He walks to work everyday, baseball cap shielding him from the Louisiana sun as he shakes his head at neighbors and friends offering him a ride. His gray tennis shoes slapping against the burning asphalt remind me of the trip that my family would take to the Nike Outlet on Tulane Avenue once every few years. When we were younger, my mother would pile me, Blayde, Zach, and whoever else was living in the house at the time into her blue van. At the store, before my father had even tried on his first pair of shoes, my mother had found a chair. Blayde, Zach, and I would occupy ourselves for the first few minutes trying on shoes, but later, we would watch as our father tried on his own. He always had to double knot the laces, walk through every aisle in the store, look in both the long mirror on the wall and the short mirror on the ground, and then approach my mother and ask for her advice. She was honest every time: “I don’t like the color” or “You don’t look like you got enough support” or “Them laces already fraying.” Eventually, Blayde, Zach, and I would grow bored, and complaining would land us back in the car with our mother driving home and telling our father to call her when he was ready to be picked up.

During these trips, my father always tried to buy two pairs of the same shoes. I don’t know how often my mother agreed, but I do know that he justified his two pairs with mornings walking to work or afternoons on the football field, training high schoolers. Behind his explanations, I remember my family’s evacuation to Ponchatoula during Hurricane Gustav. At the time there were only five of us, and I remember that week crammed in one bedroom, using the small generator to power the television and play Wii Sports during the day. At night, Blayde and Zach cried and shrieked and my own body was wracked with nightmares. I saw floodwaters seeping under our front door, moving through the hallway, and spreading through our bedrooms. I saw my father’s pair of shoes soaking in these waters while rain pounded against the storm shutters. I woke up panting night after night, lungs tight with the ghost of floodwaters. I feared drowning on the hardwood floors, so I asked my mother if I could sleep on the bed with her, but both Blayde and Zach and my father had already beat me to the mattress. She instead climbed out of bed to lie on the floor with me. After crying quietly, I fell back asleep, nestled against her chest. 

When we returned home after the hurricane, our pet turtle was miraculously still alive. The hem of my mother’s wedding dress, which had been hanging in the closet, was destroyed, along with everything that had been lying on the floor: books, toys, shoes. Our mother promised us that things were going to work out, that we would return to school and sports while she and our father returned to work. Blayde, Zach, and I groaned at the prospect of going back to school. Our mother laughed that same full, reassuring laugh as our father walked over to the closet. He looked first at the pile of water-damaged shoes on the ground, then reached over the shelf above his head and retrieved an orange box. Inside this box rested a pair of shoes identical to those that lay damaged from toxic floodwaters at his feet.

I have inherited my father’s aversion to change. His distaste for mourning and moving forward has colored my own relationship with destruction and grief. His commitment is always to the restoration of the life before. While my mother pieces together a new life for the family, my father holds onto his second pair of shoes. The orange box on the top shelf promises that his feet will still trek the same paths, that the same neighbors will offer him the same rides, and that the same sweat will bead on his neck as he politely declines—but new shoes do not promise functional storm shutters or working generators. The canned food in the back of the pantry and the gallons of clean water in the cabinets and the storm candles nestled behind old cookbooks are all strategically placed by my mother for the preservation of the family. The shoes are for my father. Now I wonder if the shoes are for me and my brothers as well, we who have inherited the way my father copes with survival. 

After every storm, something new is to be bought for the home: Hurricane Isaac and a basketball rim, Hurricane Gustav and a mailbox, my brother’s fist and a mirror. And with every new purchase, my father begs my mother to buy two. “For the next time,” he always says. I understand now that I have also picked up on his habit of pairs, of feigning preparedness: two phone chargers, two backpacks, a knife both in my pocket and in my desk drawer. Even my family seems to come in pairs, with Blayde and Zach working the basketball court together as Nick and I navigate university, Erron and Perry write from jobs outside of New Orleans, and Ladarius and Paul continue to not pick up our mother’s calls. We live in twos—Nick and I in one room, Zach and Blayde in another, my mother and father in another—and travel in twos, with my mother calling from over her shoulder, “Take one of your brothers with you!” 

Perhaps the reason I feel so lonely this Mardi Gras season is because I am one and not a pair, and I know that in being one, I have forced my family members to, in their own respects, be alone as well. And there is a vulnerability in this loneliness. Blayde will not drive to Beads by the Dozen with me to work long hours selling Mardi Gras merchandise to tourists and parade riders. My mother will not chop the maurepas on the butcher’s block in our kitchen as she demands that I continue to stir the roux. And my father will sit at the dining room table alone, with one pair of tennis shoes at the door and a second upstairs on the shelf in the closet. 

Mad Wallace Rolls On

You can tell her you don’t give a shit,” Jake Lauer interjects. I’d just asked David Becker if his relationship with music has changed since it went from a hobby to a career. He was sifting through his thoughts when Lauer interrupted him. Becker is the bass player and Lauer the drummer for Mad Wallace, a rock band formed at Colorado College. I’m interviewing them in their house in Denver. The comment is funny only because Becker does, in fact, give a shit. Actually, he and the whole band give many shits, seeing as they’ve dedicated themselves to their band with the hope that they can eventually support themselves on their music alone.

The other two members of the band, guitarists Jake Sabetta and Jamie Rushford, chuckle and nod their heads. Becker fires back, “That’s why I play the bass. I don’t have to give a shit.” Almost every question I ask is followed by a punchy joke among the band members, before they settle into their more serious thoughts and opinions.

I remember seeing Mad Wallace at Colorado College’s Battle of the Bands last year. I went mostly to catch a glimpse of the infectious grin that can be seen on Sabetta’s face during a particularly satisfying guitar solo, but I stayed for the electrifying energy that the whole band created. Although Mad Wallace traces their humble beginnings to CC house parties, they are more than your run-of- the-mill basement band. Granted, they did record their entire EP in their basement, and they do practice there, but my sources have informed me that they do, in fact, leave sometimes. Mad Wallace is expanding beyond the confines of their carpeted underground lair—they’ve begun playing at major venues in Denver, and they’ve found that the world above the basement is brimming with musical possibility.

It’s apparent throughout our conversation that Mad Wallace is more than just four guys who play music together. They form a comic chorus: sharp and witty, they’re constantly interjecting and adding to each other’s thoughts, interacting with refreshing ease. I’m struck most of all by their unwavering humility. When I ask what they look for in a listener, Sabetta is hesitant to answer, assuring me that Mad Wallace is “by no means reinventing the wheel.” When he notices my extensive notes, he says, “Our music isn’t deserving of that!” But that’s the funny thing: their music does deserve attention.

 

In this age of computers, home recording studios, and YouTube tutorials, Mad Wallace stands out for their captivating live performances. Although they have released recordings on SoundCloud, they thrive in a live setting. So much of what they do is tied to their distinctive live sound, which does not always come naturally to musicians. Mad Wallace stresses the importance of being open to experimenting and moving away from what’s comfortable and practiced. In live performance, no song is ever played the same way twice. But while most bands slip into the comfort of playing the same song in the same way, Mad Wallace is willing to experiment.

In the spirit of improvisation and creativity, many of Mad Wallace’s live performances feature a jam— an improvised section with no set time frame. The jam creates an interactive space in which the instruments can have a conversation: one musician may ease into a motif or chord progression that he repeats until the other band members pick it up, and they build it together from there. Sabetta describes it as a “continuation of the songwriting process in real time.” It’s a dynamic call and response that only works if the musicians listen closely to each other. It’s very difficult to recreate that kind of energy and sound in the studio.

So let’s say that you just went to see Mad Wallace live. You’re standing there with your jaw dangling near the ground, head still bobbing to the beat that resonates in your ears long after the band has left the stage. You know there’s something different about the music you just heard, but you can’t quite put your finger on it until the obvious answer smacks you across the face: they are just really fucking good. Sabetta explains that they want their live sound to be “something that keeps your musical intellect interested, but also makes you want to stomp your feet and jump up and down and just get weird and lose yourself. It can be primal sometimes, or it can be really peaceful sometimes.” When the band plays live, they take the audience on a journey, and each note adds a subtle twist and turn. Mad Wallace songs will often reach a destination—a moment when different motifs rise together and cohere—only to let the destination open up into a new pattern. And the song rolls on.

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These open-ended destinations are what Lauer calls “arrivals.” He says, “Our music is about arriving places. When I’m playing a song, whether it’s a jam or a written part, I get the most enjoyment when we all arrive somewhere together. Whether it’s something dark, or something happy and light, or something angsty, when we hit arrivals in our music, whether it’s choreographed or not, I just smile a whole bunch. You’ll see that when I’m playing live. You know when I’m smiling, that means we’ve done something right.”

Lauer pauses as his bandmates chuckle. (Sabetta later confesses that Lauer really doesn’t smile that often when they perform.) Lauer continues, “When I think about the background driving forces of our music, and what I want people to experience, it’s the feeling of a journey and an arrival. That doesn’t have to be the same feeling, but I want it to be an arrival to a certain feeling, and I think that changes with each song.”

From firsthand experience with Mad Wallace, I’d say the band is, more than anything else, like a big peanut butter and jelly sandwich. For our purposes, let’s say the music is the peanut butter and their relationships with each other are the jelly. In the metaphorical sandwich that is Mad Wallace, said peanut butter and jelly combine. Although they are two individual elements of the sandwich, once you’ve smeared the peanut butter and jelly together, it’s almost impossible to completely separate them. As Lauer puts it, “It’s really hard to separate music from our relationships. When practice ends, it’s hard to turn off the music and turn off the connections that we’ve just built. So however practice goes is kind of how our relationships go.”

It may not be ideal to tie personal and professional lives so intricately together, but Sabetta compares being in a band to “being in a family.” He says, “Everyone’s got to pull their weight, you can’t be an asshole, you’ve got to control your emotions, even when you’re pissed or when you’re really sad. You’ve got to bring your best. That’s the toughest, when you’re grieving over something, or life’s got you down, and you have to bring your A game, you can’t be a Debbie Downer. You have to bring some positive energy, or else practice is just shit.”

These guys know each other inside and out. According to the members of Mad Wallace, this can be good. But it can also be detrimental to their relationships and music. Or, as Sabetta put it so eloquently, “dishtrimental,” as in when someone leaves their dirty dishes in the sink and the rest of the band members chuck crusty dishes at the guilty party during practice. Throwing dishes might seem messy and counterproductive, but the band’s somewhat aggressive conflict resolution is actually an art of its own. Becker says, “The house isn’t built with the thickest walls, and Jake [Sabetta] practices singing all the time, so it’s just like being a stay-athome dad.” Lauer adds, “It’s like the roommate that sings in the shower, except the shower is two hours long.” (And the bathroom is the whole house.)

In the midst of all the mom jokes and playful jabs, there is an undercurrent of seriousness, especially in the way that Mad Wallace talks about their music. During these moments, they muse with all the thoughtfulness of careful critics. One particularly insightful comment comes from Sabetta: “Choosing to pursue music is our best option to make some sort of impact. I think all of us think about that, either subconsciously or not … People come up to us after the show and say ‘Man, this week was so shitty, I was thinking about transferring from CC, or just dropping out completely, but your music refueled me and gave me hope for the future.’ If you can have an impact like that on one person every time you play, or just at all, then you’re doing something good. And I think that’s our hope—that we can make enough money to get by playing music, but do also something good and have a platform to spread the joy that we get from our music to other people.”

All four members mention that playing music professionally has been a dream since they started. Now that they’re pursuing the dream, they say it feels surreal. On the ground, however, it involves grunt work— they no longer have the luxury of playing at college parties where people can come for free and casually enjoy the music. Now they have to schedule venues, record demos, and convince people to pay money to see them. Being a professional band is not just about the music, it also involves marketing themselves. Considering the extreme humility and self-deprecating humor that cropped up during our interview, I’m not shocked when Sabetta makes a comment about how the band is pretty bad at self-promotion, hoping that “the music will promote itself.”

So, I am now going to try my hand at this so-called promotion (because obviously, so far I’ve been a completely impartial observer). Mad Wallace is remarkably talented. Just talking with them for an hour left me impressed and feeling lucky that these four musicians are generous enough to share their art with the rest of us. I would be glad to pay to see Mad Wallace live. Hell, I even want to start my own rock band. But the thrill of the music is better left to Mad Wallace themselves. I’ll let them tell you about it, in their classic witty way:

Sabetta: “When you play live and you have that connection with the audience, you all feel like you’re there together, it’s a high unlike anything else I’ve ever experienced, drugs, sex, whatever, and nothing satisfies it until the next show. It keeps you wanting to keep going, to do more of it.”

Lauer: “Post-show letdown is such a real thing. There are times when we played a great show, and the second it’s over, it’s just like, ‘Well, fuck, I’m depressed now.’”

Sabetta: “Yeah, let’s go see what heroin’s like.”

Lauer: “It makes sense, you know.” Sabetta: “I can see why so many musicians do…”

Rushford: “This is over…”

Becker: “You should stop there.”

Sabetta: “Make music! Make music, don’t do drugs, kids.” 

Behind Birthright

 

"In this day and age, we’re losing millions of Jews to assimilation. We have to save the Jews!” So declared Naftali Bennett, the Israeli minister of education and minister of diaspora affairs, in a speech livestreamed from Jerusalem last November. “A hundred years from now we will be asked: ‘You knew what was happening with the Jews in America, in Eastern Europe, in South America. What did you do?’” He continued, “I am effectively the minister of the Jews. I am your minister. Shalom.” Full of pride and urgency, the self-declared minister of the Jews went on (and on) about assimilation, the new disaster the Jewish people are facing. Following Bennett, other members of the Israeli parliament, the Knesset, have expressed deep concern about the high percentages of Jews who marry non- Jews and shift away from Jewish traditions, which apparently include blind support of the Israeli state. Yisrael Eichler, a Knesset member from the United Torah Judaism alliance, has gone so far as to call assimilation in the United States “the destruction of Judaism” and “the silent Holocaust.”

The Ministry of Diaspora Affairs has waged a defiant war against this purported “silent Holocaust,” and is determined to protect For years, the Birthright Israel project has offered young Jews free trips to Israel. The politics and funding behind the program are inextricably tied to the Israeli occupation of Palestine. “I March 2018 9 the Jews from “God-forbidden” potential non-Jewish partners and anti-Zionist propaganda (read: critiques of the Israeli occupation of Palestine). Naturally, all means of protection are kosher.

Although Bennett’s declaration certainly has political motives, equating assimilation to a new Holocaust is more than a strategy to mobilize voters. Israelis and Americans have been combating assimilation for decades. Back in 1999, the Birthright Israel project was founded by billionaires Charles Bronfman and Michael Steinhardt in an attempt to, in the words of Birthright’s website, “strengthen Jewish identity, build a lasting bond with the land and people of Israel, and reinforce the solidarity of Jewish people worldwide.” Since its foundation, Birthright has offered young, mostly American Jews a fully funded 10-day trip to Israel. Eighteen years later, Steinhardt sees Birthright as a vital defense against assimilation, telling The Times of Israel, “There’s 60 to 70 percent intermarriage rates [among young non-Orthodox American Jews], and a falloff in synagogue attendance. There’s all sorts of things like that. There are no easy answers, but the best answer to date is Birthright. I’m tempted to say it has saved a generation.”

The objectives of Birthright are stated clearly on its website: “Birthright Israel seeks to ensure the future of the Jewish people by strengthening Jewish identity, Jewish communities and connection with Israel.” This statement alone reflects a century-long history of conflating Zionism and Judaism: for Birthright, Jewish identity cannot be separated from the Israeli national identity. Established in Europe in the late 1800s, Zionism arose in response to other nationalist movements. As Italians identified with Italy and Germans with Germany, many Jews felt the need for a state of their own, especially in response to the rise of anti-Semitism in Europe. Once Zionism had become the nationalist movement of the Jewish people (specifically European Ashkenazi Jews), Zionists had to find a territory to which they could attach a national identity. After attempts to find this land in Uganda and Argentina failed, the Zionist movement settled on Palestine.

In order to fit the modern European framework of national identity, certain aspects of Judaism were played down—for example, the diaspora—while others were amplified. (The Jewish diaspora refers to the historical dispersion of Jews and their settlement in other parts of the globe.) The traditional longing for the biblical land of Zion was reinterpreted as a core pillar of Jewish identity and became a modernized mission of colonization and settlement.

Jewish heritage is no longer associated with places around the diaspora—like Casablanca, Baghdad, Madrid, Warsaw, and Budapest, places where Jewish communities and traditions have prospered for thousands of years. Instead, Zionism constructed “Jewish heritage” in a land which today is marked more by the colonial violence done by those who claim it their own than by rich, peaceful traditions of the kind that used to exist all around the diaspora.

Fast-forward to the 21st century, and along comes Birthright, hoping to “motivate young people to continue to explore their Jewish identity [and] support for Israel.” Jake Buttock, a Colorado College student who participated in Birthright last winter, told me that he had decided to go because he had grown distant from Judaism in high school and college. Birthright for Jake was “a way to reconnect” to his Judaism.

Jake talked a lot about the time the group spent in Jerusalem: “We went to the military cemetery [Mount Herzl], and there was an American soldier who was buried there … He went on Birthright, and he volunteered in the Israeli military and died in one of the conflicts with Gaza. There were a bunch of American flags by his grave and it was kind of weird to see … They weren’t pushing that, but the connection between Israel and America was always present.”

Another formative experience for Jake was visiting Yad Vashem, the Holocaust museum in Jerusalem. “The Holocaust museum was its own kind of separate experience,” he said. “Really beautiful … That was a really emotional experience for me. I learned a lot.” Mount Herzl and Yad Vashem are two formative locations for “Birthrighters.” In his book “Tours That Bind,” sociologist Shaul Kelner writes that the rigor of Birthright trips leads participants to experience an overwhelming emotional intensity that deflects their attention from the ideological incentives or critical thinking of the trip. Other participants I talked to also spoke of the intensity that Kelner describes.

Indeed, the trip promises that the young diasporic Jews will not miss anything that is not “worth missing” in the Holy Land, be it riding camels in the Negev desert, floating in the Dead Sea, clubbing in Tel Aviv, or walking through the pastoral minefields of the Golan Heights. The border walls, security checkpoints, and segregated roads are all, apparently, worth missing.

Another attraction is the company: Israeli soldiers from top-tier units of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) are selected to join the trip for five of the 10 days. According to the Birthright website, the objective of the mifgash (the union of the soldiers and foreigners) is “to foster participants’ understanding and identification with Israel … and strengthen the solidarity of Israeli young adults with their Jewish peers abroad and develop the Jewish identity of individuals in both groups.” The American participants and soldiers who participated in Birthright clearly felt solidarity with each other. Meshi Djerassi, an Israeli ex-soldier who participated in Birthright last year towards the end of her two-year service, said, “We were participants in the trip…we prepared a short activity about the IDF, we let them wear uniforms, but otherwise we were participants in the trip just like them. We hiked with them, ate with them, slept with them. The official role was to show them Israel through our eyes, soldiers of the same age as them.”

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The soldiers’ unofficial role was to make connections with the participants as they all fought assimilation together. When I asked Jake about his relationship with the soldiers on his trip, he told me that he had befriended one Israeli soldier in particular. “It was interesting hearing about her life in Israel,” he said. “Like the social norms are kind of different for her, and what her upbringing was like … I had a really good relationship with that one soldier.” As Jake put it, “I walked away feeling a lot of pride in Israel just because, seeing what the soldiers were going through, there’s a human face to what is painted as a villain by most of the world.”

Israeli soldiers are, of course, human beings with aspirations, opinions of their own, and different ideologies and approaches to life. As an Israeli, most of my friends have served or are still serving in the IDF. Most of my family members have served in the IDF. Obviously, they are not villains. They are, however, tools in a system of military occupation, whether they are in support of it or not. Birthright does expose participants to the “human face” of soldiers—as if they were ever lacking one—but at the same time Birthright and its patrons use those faces as human shields to legitimize the Israeli occupation of Palestine. Yes, Israeli soldiers are human, but the military system in which they serve is far from humane. Birthright, with its objectives to make connections, makes all the wrong connections in the service of state violence.

When I talked to soldiers and participants, it seemed like all of them were aware of the propaganda like feel that Birthright has. Djerassi, the soldier I spoke to, told me, “Israel is presented in the trip in a single-sided way, but I think that it’s legitimate because the people who fund Birthright wouldn’t want to take them … to Palestinian refugee camps, or Arab and Bedouin villages. They have an agenda and specific purpose, and that’s their way of pursuing it. It’s their money and they can do whatever they want with it.” She continued, “The goal of Birthright is to encourage Zionism, to promote Jewish immigration to Israel, or at least political and financial support.” Clearly, to participants and observers alike, it’s no secret that Birthright is politically motivated.

A closer look into the organization’s funding reveals that Birthright is more than simply tourism and propaganda. Naturally, a 10-day trip full of fun attractions Indeed, the trip promises that the young diasporic Jews will not miss anything that is not “worth missing” in the Holy Land, be it camel riding in the Negev desert, floating in the Dead Sea, clubbing in Tel Aviv, or walking through the pastoral minefields of the Golan Heights. The border walls, security checkpoints, and segregated roads are all, apparently, worth missing. and good company, free of charge, sounds awesome. But Birthright’s biggest donor is Sheldon Adelson, the American billionaire who gave over $100 million to the 2016 Trump presidential campaign. Adelson happens to be close friends with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Adelson also owns the daily newspaper Israel Today. This paper is handed out in train stations, malls, universities, and street corners in Israel for free. Just as most people seem to know that Birthright has propagandistic elements, it is widely known that Israel Today is filled with pro-Netanyahu propaganda. And just as Birthright, despite its propaganda, is popular because it’s free, Israelis read Israel Today because it’s free.

Adelson has funded a number of Israeli projects in the West Bank, among them residential settlements, Ariel University, and a military base. In the opening ceremony for the Dr. Miriam and Sheldon Adelson School of Medicine in Ariel, Netanyahu praised Adelson as a “great patriot of the Jewish nation.” The money behind Birthright is not simply coming from pro-Israel sources— it’s coming from someone who is actively supporting the occupation of Palestine. In fact, the same guy who funds trips that paint a reality of Israel where the occupation of Palestine does not exist is the guy who makes sure the occupation remains an unyielding reality that will continue to exist for years to come.

Who else funds Birthright? Aside from Adelson, Israeli taxpayers have contributed a third of the Birthright budget over the past 10 years. Somehow bringing Jewish Americans on a fun 10-day trip to Israel has become the responsibility of every Israeli. But Israel is not a country that can afford such luxuries. With a failed education system, high poverty rates, numerous corruption investigations (many of which involve Netanyahu), and draconian military spending, the Israeli annual budget clearly needs restructuring. But, under the Netanyahu-Adelson leadership, it has been more important to make sure that young American Jews get an opportunity to visit Yad Vashem, cry, connect to their heritage, and tell their parents how great Israel is. Ideally, they’ll also tell everyone that Israel protects the Jews of the world from another Holocaust.

Of course, there’s more to it than that. For Adelson and Netanyahu, Birthright is a kind of investment. Adelson (and Israeli citizens) pay an upfront cost to get young Americans to fall in love with Israel, so that 20 years later, Israel might gain some powerful and wealthy supporters. But consider that out of the 200,000 Holocaust survivors in Israel, 50,000 live under the poverty line. Maybe the Israeli government should focus on aiding elderly Holocaust survivors instead of paying for Birthrighters to study them in a museum. But whatever, the (American) youth is the future anyways.

With what rights should a citizen be born? The right to healthcare, we’d like to say, the right to an education and an equal chance at being employed. The right to vote and have a passport, to move freely and be equal under the law. The right to die of old age.

These rights often become codified in a nation-state. When a right becomes a law, it’s considered legitimate, more legitimate than those rights that are not laws.

The “Law of Return” was passed by the Israeli government in 1950. Jews had been pushing for a legal right to return, and the government promptly made that right a law. So, two years after the 1948 Arab-Israeli War (also known as the Nakba) and the establishment of Israel, the state asserted that Jews deserve to be able to return to the state of Israel and gain Israeli citizenship.

But Palestinian refugees from the 1948 war also claim a right of return, contesting the notion that Jews are the only ones who deserve the ability to return “home.” Palestinians want to return to their property (or their ancestors’ property) in what is today Israel and West Bank territories. Both of these principles—the Law of Return and the right of return— are rooted in the concept of a birthright. The former is a legal right, while the latter remains a mere idea, one which the Israeli government has continuously delegitimized.

So, what would make one inherently more deserving of that right?

When it comes to the rights of Palestinians living in the occupied territories and the Gaza Strip, the rights they should have are far from those they do have. The result of the military occupation is that public schooling, healthcare, and welfare are dependent upon the goodwill of philanthropists and NGOs. And when you are under military occupation, you can’t vote for the government that controls you. You have to stand in checkpoints for hours every day just to get to work. You don’t have a passport, and you can’t travel. Your chances of receiving proper medical care are close to zero. Your chances of dying of old age are minimal.

As an Israeli citizen, I was given all the rights that those who were born at the same time as me, 20 or 30 minutes away from my birth place, were not given at birth. I didn’t earn those rights. I was just a baby lucky enough to be born on the “right” side of the border. Why is this so? Because an integral part of the Zionist construction of Jewish identity is the active exclusion of anyone not Jewish from the “national territory.”

Just as European nationalist movements defined themselves by removing those who did not fit into their national identities (for example, Jews), Zionism defined Jewish national identity specifically in contrast to the Palestinian identity. The Zionist community, in fact, cannot exist without the exclusion of Palestinians. This exclusion is necessary to draw the community’s boundaries. The granting of rights to Israeli citizens depends on depriving Palestinians of those very same rights. In this way, Zionism is intertwined with the Israeli occupation of Palestine economically, politically, and ideologically.

In 2017, at a gala for Birthright participants, Benjamin Netanyahu spoke to a crowd of thousands: “As you go back home, tell your family, your friends, your classmates, your colleagues about Israel, tell them to come see it for themselves, and then come back soon to visit, to study, to live. We’ll be waiting for you, because this is your birthright.”

To those of you who think it is your birthright: it is not. The Zionist claim to the land of Israel is a colonialist claim that renders the lives of Palestinians inferior and disposable. Birthright is not about Jewish heritage, Jewish identity, or a transnational Jewish community. It is about ideological profit.

Many participants go into Birthright with a full critical awareness of the politics behind it. But it is difficult to be critical of a community while you’re in the midst of it. Collective identification is alluring; the comfort of being part of a group teaches us to turn a blind eye to the violent and exclusionary rules of the group.

So potential participants critical of the occupation should consider that Birthright is funded by the same people who are funding the occupation. And if you already know what’s wrong with it, you should spend your time resisting the people and politics behind Birthright, not partaking in it. 

buildings.jpg

Letter From the Editor: Neighbor

Dear Reader,

I think it was Jesus who said, “Love thy neighbor as thyself.”

I grew up in a neighborhood where nobody really liked each other at all. My mother’s best attempts at creating a community were met with unanswered phone calls and empty promises. People, apparently, had more important things to do than show up to a block party once a year. So our neighborhood was much more an assemblage of houses than a congregation of people.

The man who lived next door was a brain surgeon. He never left the house without wearing bright blue latex gloves—even in his backyard, he was ready to operate. He bought a special vacuum to suck up pine needles off his driveway. After one vacuuming session, he decided it was so much work that it would be better to illegally clear-cut the whole property—a dozen douglas firs and western hemlocks, all probably older than he was. Once, he introduced my mom as “the owner’s wife,” because apparently only men can own houses. Last I heard, he was saying he regretted buying the house in the first place. That he wished he could burn it down. 

Everyone has had a weird neighbor—whether it’s the grumpy old man from down the street or the stoner on the fourth floor of Mathias. Our neighbors tell us a lot about our expectations of people—whether we see them as people like us or as intruders in a space we feel entitled to. And are we really obligated to like our neighbors, much less love them, just because Jesus said so? 

After my neighbor clear-cut his property, the county fined him over $10,000, and our neighborhood bonded over the mutual antipathy toward his behavior—it’s now a frequent conversation starter.

When we started brainstorming stories for this issue, we were inundated with stories about these kinds of crazy neighbors. Ultimately, though, we ended up with a fairly serious issue. 

The issue opens with Eden Lumerman’s story about Birthright, investigating the relationship between Jewish identity, Zionism, and Israel’s occupation of Palestine (pg. 8). Maggie O’Brien’s photo essay captures the unique culture and politics of the Rio Grande Valley (pg. 32); Megan Bott (pg. 30) and Tucker Smith (pg. 52) share memoirs of childhood in the South. Clare Ende interviews Mad Wallace, a former CC student band, just down the road in Denver (pg. 14), while back at CC, Monica Black and Rebecca Glazer look at how Bon Appetit’s claims of sourcing local, sustainable, and organic food products don’t hold up to scrutiny (pg. 18).

This issue travels widely: we begin in Israel, spend a couple stories in Colorado, take a pit-stop in Cincinnati, go south to the border, dash to New Orleans, and end, somehow, with a memoir in Kentucky.

Naturally, editing these stories had the staff reflecting on what it means to be a neighbor. Does someone become our neighbor because of their proximity to us, or because of our relationship to them? Are our neighbors the people closest to us, or the people closest to us?

Regardless, the writers of these stories took the time to get to know their neighbors—we hope you get to know them too. I’ll be on my porch, yelling at strangers.

I love you like I love myself,

Nathan Makela (& the Cipher staff)

Letter From The Editor

Dear Reader,

I last heard the phrase “the deep end” when my dad told me about finding his friend’s daughter motionless at the bottom of a pool. It was a summer afternoon a dozen years ago, and the adults had relaxed their child-watching attention. In the five-minutes-or-fewer that it takes most children to get into trouble, the two-year-old had stumbled into the pool and, unable to swim, sank into the deep end.

The phrase “go off the deep end” doesn’t usually mean sinking. Today we use it to mean going insane. If you think about it literally, it means jumping in and floating where your feet can no longer touch the bottom. It means disconnecting from a foundation or a frame of reference. It means losing your stability, your self-control.

The word “deep” comes from the Old English deop, meaning “profound,” “awful,” or “solemn,” according to the Online Etymology Dictionary. Deop goes back to the Proto-Indo-European root *dheub, the meaning of which grew from “bottom” to “foundation” to “earth” to “world.”

This issue’s stories emerged from our writers following their curiosities and concerns about everyday relationships with people, like Sara’s New Age aunt or a Basque man Ethan spilled beer on. From these foundations, we hope these stories will create a more informed, maybe even caring, world. 

This issue tells of people thrown into the depths of economies, governments, families, and cultures. These people and their circumstances often go unnoticed and unchallenged. In the United States, some people must go to extreme lengths to bring money home to their families, as Ethan Cutler shows us with a story about migrant sheepherders in Colorado, and as Andrew Braverman does with a report on America’s plasma market. Meanwhile, Emma Gonzalez reconciles her dreams of sustainable agriculture with the reality of its motivations in Cuba. Kat Snoddy remembers using dark humor to cope with a family member’s suicide. Montana Bass mixes a personal experience of sexual assault with an analysis of the culture that perpetuates it. 

When we dredge the depths, we find the heaviest stories, the ones that too often go unnoticed. But no matter how dark things may seem, sometimes they end well. At the end of the issue we leave you with Sara Fleming’s hilarious and hopeful (at least relatively) reflections on the Enneagram personality system. 

That two-year-old I started telling you about didn’t end up drowning. My dad pulled her out of the deep end, and she survived. These stories are here in your hands because people took the time to look beneath the surface. I hope you will feel inspired to do the same.

Profoundly,

Jackson Truesdale and the Cipher staff

This is Also What it Looks Like

Grandma Ghee died in the summer, and a week later Tara drove that Buick across the High Plains, through the Continental Divide, just under a thousand miles, until she saw the sea. And then she parked it. Took out her bag and chemistry books and didn’t touch the car for a year.

From the high window of her brick dormitory, Tara would watch her grandmother’s car, suspended in the corner of that black asphalt lake. Shy underneath a streetlamp.

Then it’s the last morning of the spring term, and the first sun she has seen in weeks. Tara approaches the Buick from its side like she would a skittish creature. She stands, her hand on the warm metal of the hatch, trying to form an apology.

“Hey,” she says, turning her single key. “Did you forget about me?”

The trunk pops and releases. Somewhere between Montana and here the rubber hoop sealing the trunk came loose, or disintegrated, and the cavity filled with months of late afternoon rain. A shallow, muddied pond formed, with bits of red carpet floating on its surface and colonies of mold climbing its banks. A wasp’s nest, too, in the driver’s side door. The original architects had long since abandoned their papery scaffold, but Tara skirts it anyway to reach the ignition. The Buick gasps but its engine does not turn over.  Under her abdication, the cold, mossy landscape had begun to claim the car as its own. She glances around, feels as if the damp is shrugging at her: what did you expect, it asks, you should have come sooner, you should wear your keys like a badge, where’s your allegiance, what happened to your pride?

When the mechanic arrives the sun has faded. He steps down from his truck. He turns in circles, in awe of the old academic buildings, fortified and shining against the encroaching moisture.

“I’ve lived in this town for over twenty years,” he hiccups, “and never been here before.”

He walks once around the car before disappearing into its metal belly. “What’re you doing here?” comes his muffled voice.

“Not much on the day-to-day,” Tara says, and then changes her mind. “I mean, I study. It’s my first year. I study chemistry here.” Tara feels pleased with her answer—its aloofness, its refusal to stake a claim to this place.

“You’re not from around here, are you?” he asks. “I saw your license plate.”

Tara shakes her head. 

“Montana.”

“Uh huh, Montana! No kidding. Montana is what America used to be.” He clears his throat and Tara hears spit land somewhere deep in the interstices of the Buick’s pipes.

“I’d like to hear what you’re picturing, exactly.” 

The mechanic jerks out from underneath the hood, meeting Tara’s eyes. He looks suspicious. 

“You need to drive this thing,” he warns. “Or run it, at least, a half hour here and there.” He closes the hood and looks over the Buick once more. He whistles slowly. “Someone loved this car very much before you,” he says.

“I love this car very much,” Tara answers, but the words break off halfway to her mouth.


In a late, red October, around the time Tara turned seven, Grandma Ghee moved them all out of the county seat to Brady. As they drove into town, the last grain silo standing caught on fire. The volunteer fire department quickly dampened the flames, but the grain smoldered for an entire week, a question mark of smoke drifting out of the charred metal above the landscape.

Grandma Ghee purchased a sprawling, rusted estate. One of the old ranchers had given her the deed. That first evening, the two stood on the sagging back porch and gazed out at the fields of dead winter wheat.

“Where does my land end, exactly?” Grandma Ghee asked, creasing the deed with her thick fingers.

The leathery man shook his head. “You could use twice as much as you can see and still not bother no one, none,” he said.

So Grandma Ghee marked Tara’s boundary as the last corroded truck bumper, which rested several hundred yards from the main house, just before the stalks of the fruitless field became taller, thicker. Tara didn’t mind. Within the razed dirt yard there lay large, cavernous woodpiles and a tangled playground of old farm equipment and car appendages. A gutted ’76 pickup squatted in the side yard, and Tara played hopscotch between old tires. Tara thought the real prize, though, was the unstained wooden barn behind the house. It had a loft filled with sawdust and still smelled warm and ripe like animals.

The boys didn’t have boundaries. They roved the property late into the night, howling and sweating. No coyotes close, only “brothers.” Grandma Ghee’s brood, in true Montana style, was half blood and half something else: they were Tara’s friends, cousins, an old schoolmate whose parents disappeared, maybe because of amphetamines, maybe not. They always rose early, darted through the kitchen, past Grandma Ghee, to grab cold cuts of turkey from the fridge and knives from the butcher’s block. Then they tumbled, whining, snarling, out the backdoor and into the dirt and sunshine. Grandma Ghee spent her mornings swaying in the kitchen with a cigarette between her lips, her arms bent stiffly in front of her, resting on an absent lover. Tara watched her from the cool kitchen tiles. 

The house felt empty during the day, almost skeletal, but there were no extra beds come nightfall. Tara slept beside Grandma Ghee every night, the weight of her body bowing the mattress and drawing Tara in, its own gravitational field. On the nights when Tara came into the room after Grandma Ghee had begun to snore, she moved delicately. She brushed each foot clean of dirt and cigarette ash and slipped, toe by toe, into the damp sheets. She breathed shallow. When Grandma Ghee stirred, as she always did, she reached out to find Tara, pulled her to her chest, and her sweat pooled to create a slick coat between them. Tara, a thin stick in her grandmother’s arms.

When Tara awoke she smelled of Grandma Ghee—of smoke, old bedding, and hair oil. When she awoke, alone, she looked at the depression in the mattress with a mix of love and shame.


It was the end of a grueling summer—less than three inches of precipitation in three months. Tara awoke for her first day of fifth grade to find Grandma Ghee’s white Buick missing from its spot. Tara stepped barefoot onto the back porch. The morning wind blew thick streams of dust that itched her nose, that settled in a dark ring above the collar of her nightshirt. She squinted. She wound her way through the yard’s morass of metal parts and chicken wire, resisting the urge to shimmy through the old tractor wheel. She wasn’t supposed to play on school days. She wondered what to do with herself, or whether she could cook herself breakfast. She closed her eyes and tried to picture the route of the two-lane country highway that led to the elementary school in Dutton. The wind beat steadily across the High Plains.

Tara squatted in the dirt near the ’76 pickup to watch the gopher holes. Every few minutes, a fat, tan head would emerge from its burrow to chirp, setting off a symphony from gopher holes both near and far in the surrounding fields of winter wheat. Tara could mimic a gopher’s chirp better than anyone. She could bugle like an elk, too. When the wind shifted direction, she heard a new sound, though. She followed her brothers’ laughter into the cool stillness of the barn. From the ground floor, she saw several figures hunched in the loft. Their shifting feet sifted sawdust through the gaps in the floorboards, and Tara gazed upwards, a fine, ticklish sprinkle on her face. Like snow. As soon as she began climbing the worn ladder rungs to the loft, the laughter stopped.

“Who’s it?” said one of her brothers.

Tara wriggled her narrow chest over the loft’s lip.

“Why aren’t you in school, girl?” Another brother kicked a molehill of sawdust towards her.

Tara’s eyes adjusted slowly to the low light of the room. Her brothers sat along the slanted walls, and their friends, too, looking at each other or at the floor.

“You oughta be in school,” said her youngest brother, hard, quiet. “You shouldn’t be here.”

One of her brothers lit a cigarette, one of Grandma Ghee’s. He held it in his lips, like she did, his hands somewhere dark Tara couldn’t see. Her body began to shudder, and she couldn’t explain, then, about Grandma Ghee’s car, about the two-lane highway turning around in her mind. Right, then left. Left, then left. About Grandma Ghee’s car. About cooking breakfast.

She shook her head and a tan rope of hands pulled her into the loft, farther into the loft, into the thickest shadow. The laughter resumed, her brothers’ friends—her brothers?—her brothers’ friends touched the back of her neck, tugged their pants down their hips.

Later, after, she sprinted towards the house, and her bare heels hit the dirt so fast it felt like concrete. She imagined her brothers running behind her, but they were all younger, all her age, their eyes boyish and eager. They were running together, she in front, colorful strips of cloth tied around each of their foreheads, whooping. It was a movie scene, behind her eyes, and she saw her brothers clearly, spit foaming from dumb joy, their cheeks ruddy, hollering: who’s the fastest, who’s the fastest?

She was. She was just a flash of taut limbs, bone grinding on bone, but so fast. She was laughing and laughing, and there were tears in her eyes and the yard was blurry and boundless as she blinked away that warm water. The scene stopped as she collided with Grandma Ghee’s soft stomach. Grandma Ghee sucked her teeth and held Tara, rocked back and forth, moaned, “Girl, girl, girl.” Her voice croaked.

From the corner of her eye, Tara saw Grandma Ghee’s Buick parked safely back in its spot. Something new beat in Tara’s chest and Grandma Ghee cradled her under that cold sun.

She didn’t play with her brothers much after that. Instead, she slept. Instead, she unrolled dozens of feet of chicken wire and staked it in a crude circle around her favorite part of the yard: the hopscotch tires and the old tractor wheel. The gopher holes were outside the chicken wire, and she mourned them, briefly, as she wiped the rust from her hands. She collected oranging leaves from the bushes surrounding the house and beds of evergreen needles to make salads. She made four salads. She hosted a luncheon.

She ate cigarette butts for the better part of a year before someone caught her. She would palm them from Grandma Ghee’s brass ashtrays, from the boards of the back porch, from beneath her brothers’ bedroom windows. The less tobacco left, the better. She chewed the cigarette butts into a fleshy, tan pulp, and then formed a compact ball using her tongue. After a few minutes of chewing, dark gray spit would gather at the corners of her mouth. The morning one of her brothers discovered her, her heart broke softly.

He, the oldest. He called the other brothers and their friends, “Come look at this,” and they all stumbled onto the back porch, baying with laughter. They made gagging noises and fell all over one another, held their stomachs, pretended to throw up. Some shuddered violently, and tongues lolled out of their mouths, while others reached down and pronounced them dead. 

“You’re crazy, girl.”

Crazy girl.”

One of her brother’s friends leaned in and wiped ash from her chin with a calloused thumb.

Grandma Ghee thrust her heavy bosom out the kitchen window, yelled, “Shoo! All you, shoo!” She walked around to the back porch and crouched beside Tara, brushing the dry cigarette butts back into the dirt. She held out her hand and Tara ejected the mound into Grandma Ghee’s cracked palm. “Nuh uh, don’t listen to them,” Grandma Ghee cooed. “You’re the quick one, girl. You’re gonna go to college, just like I did. You’re the quick one, gonna be something greater.”


Tara lets the engine run that night, like the mechanic suggested, and pores over her chemistry workbook under the Buick’s striated ceiling lights. Outside the driver’s window, Tara sees silhouettes of students in rubber hoods slip back into their dormitories, together shaking off their wetness, opening heavy wooden doors with relief. The dormitories will soon empty for the summer, students trickling home, to their brave states or elsewhere. She thinks of the last time she saw Montana, with its westernmost fields still and indifferent in the August heat. Fading to yellow from her brothers’ coughs and spit.

Tara switches the overhead lights off and stacks her chemistry books on the floor. The car that brought her here hums along in the cicada dark. She lifts her skirt above her hips and spreads her legs wide across the faux velvet bench seat. She brings two fingers to her mouth and draws them in, reaches across her body with her other hand and holds her ribcage, the strongest part of her. She rocks back and forth in that red plush and sweat, feeling like she is in utero. 

She emerges, slimy and exhausted. A sheet of warm moisture has formed over the driver’s window, and as she now looks out, she sees no dormitory, no students, no asphalt, just her own heat and sex reflected back to her.

Tara lays her cheek flush to the passenger seat, inhaling the flat smell of cigarette smoke that had long seeped into the fabric. She lies there, quiet, her hands touching one another. The thuds in Tara’s chest slow, matching the plastic arms scraping rain back and forth across the windshield. 

The Word You Don't See

I know you couldn’t know this, but that next morning I woke up in my twin bed stomach-sick in a way I have never been, before or since. I woke up without thoughts in a viscous world, my mind full of sludge, my veins full too. I had a word nobody wants near them stuck right to me, though I wouldn’t know it for a long, long time. That’s the way sludge works: it protects me from feeling the harm that's been done. You woke up with that word too, but you still don’t know it. That’s the way privilege works: it protects you from seeing the harm you inflict.

That morning, my friends trickled into my dorm room. They raised their eyebrows, ready to mirror my reaction to whatever it was that had happened the night before.

They asked, “How do you feel?” I said, “I feel weird,” and I did.

As my friends and I walked to brunch that morning, I watched slow scenes from the previous night: kissing in a stairwell, opening a bathroom door. “Are you sure?” I hear you say, and I answer, “Yes,” as if I am. Me, pulling a slinky black chiffon shirt over my head in one inside-out swoop. My hands are pale and blotchy, my fingers braced on a shower stall wall. 

And then I’m clutching a woolen cardigan on a lonely walk home, biting air and wet hair. Our friends’ whooping hollers echo down to me from the window of a dorm room, marking your triumphant entrance. Finally, you all must have thought, that was a long time coming.

They thought so; you thought so. And what did I think? I didn’t. I walked slow that night, slow that next morning. Slow and sick.

I said, “I don’t want it to be weird,” (the way I felt) as we walked to brunch. My friends told me not to worry, that you and I were friends, so I slow-nodded. I stuck the word “regret” to the scenes in my head and to the slow sickness they brought on, hoping both could pass as such. The whole week was slow and sick, but I told myself that slow weeks are OK sometimes because we’re in college and we do dumb things, and sometimes we knock ourselves down hard enough that recovery seeps past Sunday.

Four days later I had a dance performance. That’s a place where slow-moving is not acceptable, nor would I want it to be. I am on a high at performances, always. But that night, the first night of the show, I found myself on the dressing room floor with sludge heavy in my veins. It congealed in my wrists and in the crooks of my elbows. My arms pinned me to the floor. While all the other dancers drilled and stretched, hair-sprayed and eye-lined, I stared at the ceiling, unmoving.

My own body scared me. This feeling was too foreign to pass for regret. On the dressing room floor, I heard echoes of that other word. I didn’t want it near me, so I pushed it away and searched for an immediate fix.

I texted my best friend, I can’t stop thinking about it, meaning my pale hands on the wall of the shower stall. She replied, Just text him. You’re friends. You can talk to him about this, and it all felt so very (un)reasonable. So I did text you, Can we talk later? and that unstuck me from the floor.

Later did not come when I wanted it to (immediately). It came three slow days later. After an arms-length kind of Friday night, after Saturday night, after I texted, please I really need to talk to you, please today, please come outside, on a Sunday morning. Three in a row. I would have sent 200 if that’s what it would have taken. You walked to the picnic table where I sat, your stride long, your blond hair bed-head messy. My hands shook.

“I need to talk to you about the other night,” I started. “I’m just freaking out because I’m kind of in a bad place right now, and I feel like I made that decision from a really irrational part of me. You didn’t do anything wrong. I just need to know I have you as a friend.”

See, I had invented one (faulty) dichotomy to reason away what had happened: if we were truly friends, then there was just a mistake and this flat, uncomfortable energy between us. If we were not, then you must have taken advantage of me, and a space would open for that word to sneak in. 

At the picnic table, you said nice things like, “You are one of my best friends,” “I really care about you,” “I’m sorry you feel like this,” and “If I had known, I never would have done anything.” You reminded me that you have sisters.

When we finished talking, you hugged me tight. I saw a strand of my hair caught in your beard when you pulled away.

I clung to that moment white-knuckled and threw it at every surfacing doubt. I reminded myself of the way we used to dance together all night long, a charged three inches between us, and the way you could anticipate my every step. 

I told myself that what had happened in the shower stall was a long time coming. When an image of my hands on white tile flashed up—as it did from time to time—I cut in fast with the scene in which I pulled off the black chiffon shirt. I played “Are you sure?” “Yes,” and “You are one of my best friends” like rotating soundtracks, asking myself, how on earth could he have known that I would end up so sick?

It worked for a long time. The sludge thinned away.

And then one night, three months later, I got way too high. My brain moved at breakneck speed: whirling thoughts and nothing I could do to stop them. All those scenes played again and again while I paced my room, remembering the slow sick of that sludge and the way I could not get up from the floor, thinking, why are the shower stall hands coming back again? Why can’t I let it go if we were good friends with real chemistry? Why can’t I let it go if that night was a long time coming? Isn’t that why I said “yes”?

No, came my own insistent answer, along with a memory I had dismissed as unimportant. Two weeks before we got naked in a shower stall, after a different night out, you sat across from me at your coffee table.

“I just don’t want a random hook-up with you. I’m not interested in doing that,” I said. 

You sighed, “I just don’t want a relationship right now.”

I rolled my eyes and reminded you, “I never said I did, either.”

So I did know what I wanted. And I had said it, so you knew too. There I was, pacing in a panic around my room, wondering why I had said “Yes,” wondering why the conversation had ended there. What kind of friend would not check in after that night? What, I wondered, high and wired, would cause me to act against my own instincts? And how could I let that happen, because aren’t I strong? Aren’t I? So what had overpowered me? Was it you?

And then a new scene for an answer. New as in forgotten, forcibly forgotten:

We stepped into the shower stall. I felt cold and reckless, disconnected and unsafe. The dorm’s bathroom lights were fluorescent and harsh. I stopped kissing you. Before we went any further, I pushed my hand against your chest, trying to find you, trying to de-escalate. No reaction. I pushed again.

“Wait,” I said softly. “Wait.”

You pulled back, eyebrows arched. I mumbled something wordless, confused, unsure how to reach you. A drop of water rolled down my left temple. You brushed it away with your thumb. 

“Mont,” you said,  “we’re already here.” And then we were. 

And my hands reached the wall.


That was the moment when my instincts reared up and were trampled. That moment had been drowned in sludge. When it resurfaced three months later, I watched my will concede to yours. It sent my mind reeling, panicking, thinking, I did not say “Stop,” but I did say “Wait,” and maybe that should be enough. (Of course it should be.) And the way my body shut down—I know that is not the way I have sex, and if it was not sex then what was it? And if you should have known “Wait” meant “Stop” but you kept going, then that is how we get to the word “rape.”

So there I was pacing around the room, the word a siren in my head. I thought, if I hear “rape,” does that make you my rapist? And then I had to wonder, would this be like that stereotype story where my grades drop, and I can’t be in the same room as you, and I start having flashbacks during sex, and this comes to define all of college for me? But then of course this is the flashback panic attack, and how could that have fucking happened when I said “Yes” and it’s us? It had been a long time coming, what with the way we used to dance.

My blood pumped so fast I couldn’t feel my limbs. I wondered where my body had gone. I texted my roommate, Can you come home?, meaning, I have lost my body.

When she came in, all soft voice and soothing, she curled up with me under my lavender comforter, and I found my body again. I told her about the way I could not stop seeing the stall and I didn’t know why. I told her I did a thing I did not want to do and I didn’t know why. I did not tell her that I had said “Wait,” and I didn’t utter the word that the resurfaced memory brought with it. I hoped she would help reason it away. 

She did. She reminded me that you had said, “You are one of my best friends,” and how it had stopped the panic. She reminded me that I always punish myself too harshly for my regrets. That was true. I clung to it. I added it to my old loop: “You’re always too hard on yourself,” “You are one of my best friends,” and “Are you sure?” “Yes,” again and again. I pushed the word away, and it receded, taking my panic with it.

It receded except when I heard it. When I heard that word, I saw the shower stall. The wall of it, white tiles, and my hands braced there. Of course, it didn’t happen often, since it isn’t said all that much in polite conversation. It’s a word we like to keep abstract. But six months later, I sat at my study-abroad program orientation watching a Powerpoint about how to stay safe in a foreign city. They didn’t want to send us home stuck with that word. My program coordinator was standing there saying it over and over again. In a foreign city, in a random room with 35 students I didn’t know, I kept seeing the shower stall. I’d shove away the image, of course, but then she’d say the word again, and it would pop up.

So, finally, six months later and half a world away from you, I thought logically and measuredly (with some lingering panic), shit, maybe I am stuck with it. Over the course of that semester, I started to talk about it, how it got there and what it meant. I came to another conclusion: if that word is stuck to me, it is stuck to you, too.


It’s hard to see, I know, especially considering that it had been “a long time coming,” and that you asked and got a “Yes,” and that we considered ourselves friends. It’s confusing because “Wait” is not exactly “No,” because the word “rape” is woven so seamlessly into our cultural fabric that it usually disappears—until we look. This is not about a criminal charge, and this is not a public skewering. This is a work of unstitching.

I want you to know I’m sorry for bringing this word into focus for you. I spent a long time feeling guilty for seeing my shower stall hands when I heard it, thinking you didn’t mean for that, not at all. There are a lot of people who would argue that I’m excusing you by saying “I’m sorry.” In some way it is excusing, because I do believe that you didn’t mean for that, not at all.

You didn’t mean to hurt me, but you made no attempt to resist a culture which constantly tells you that you are entitled to anything you want, and which constructs me as such: a thing. That is objectification, and that culture is a rape culture. Within rape culture, not only are feminine bodies objectified and men made to feel entitled—it’s also all made to seem normal. 

This system is not immediately transparent, especially to those whom it privileges. Rape culture only manifests overtly when one person forcibly wields their power over another person in the form of sexual violence. Even then, we prefer to think of rapists as lone psychopaths, not normal people whose actions are the result of deeply rooted cultural narratives.

We avoid challenging those cultural narratives by placing rape culture’s covert manifestations within a supposed gray area, rendering it unclear whether an encounter qualifies as sex or rape. When people ask questions like, “Well, was she flirting?” they are asking whether or not one person had implicitly promised sex to another person—and in turn, whether or not one person was entitled to sex with someone else. These discussions imply, then, that there is some context in which one person can be entitled to another (there is not). The gray area discredits an individual’s narrative (“I’m not interested”) by privileging a narrative constructed through rape culture (“It was a long time coming”). So the perpetrator’s behavior is perceived as normal, and that makes rape seem like sex that someone had “promised.”

I was attempting to reject that narrative when I told you, “I just don’t want a random hook-up.” By responding, “I just don’t want a relationship right now,” you assumed that if I don’t want sex, I must want a relationship. Worse, though, you implied that I was withholding sex in the hopes of gaining a relationship. There I was, explaining clearly how I felt, and instead of engaging with me, you replaced me with a sexist caricature of “woman”: someone who must want to be caught. Because to be caught is to have been wanted, to be the chosen thing. As long as that narrative persisted, the only question for you was: when?

In an attempt to dismantle the notion that one person can be entitled to another’s body—and to remind the world that women have sexual agency—people have begun to encourage clear, verbal consent. Theoretically, this kind of dialogue would eradicate the gray area by promoting genuine respect and communication. In this way, verbal consent could directly combat objectification and entitlement. But rape culture appropriates verbal consent, reducing it to a one-item checklist (“Are you sure?” “Yes”). This checklist serves as a cop-out protection for perpetrators. It absolves you of the responsibility to actually engage with someone. It masks a real lack of understanding by purporting to grant permission to a body. 

So the consent checklist, which seems to create clarity around rape, actually masks all the potential coercion and objectification that cannot coexist with true consent, but can coexist with a checklist. It simply changes the question from “When?” to “When can I get her to say, ‘Yes?’”

The checklist coexists with objectification because the checklist fixes consent as a static object, as a thing to acquire, in the same way objectification fixes me. But consent is not a fixed thing (neither am I). You cannot “get” consent as some all-inclusive contract that will “get” you another thing, which is sex, which is me (as a thing, fixed). Consent is not fixed because despite the unfortunate fact of our syntax, sex is not actually a thing you have, it is a thing you do—together. True consent is confirmed, reaffirmed, and acted such that what “Yes” actually applies to is understood. If you believe that me saying “Yes” before our clothes have even come off entitles you to sex, then true consent is already no longer possible. Both consent itself and my body have become things owed, things to be gotten and given. 

So there you were in a dormitory bathroom, thinking it was appropriate to reward yourself with a metaphorical “check” (meaning checkmate, meaning caught) at any point a “Yes” is received, and to proceed without questioning the long history of “No” that had come before it. It prompted you to disregard the context that I had established in favor of the narrative, “It was a long time coming.” You thought the consent you “got” entitled you to sex, so when I told you, “Wait,” you said, “We are already here,” meaning You already signed your body away. Your checklist question blinded you to “Wait” (meaning, stop, meaning, I am not on the same page as you). It excused you from the responsibility to pay attention. It locked me in passivity. (I was a thing you caught.) Of course, you caught me rightfully, according to rape culture. You played by all its rules.

And there I was in a dormitory bathroom, all my instincts rearing up to remind me I do not want this. I could not find the language to say “No” because “No” would contradict a “Yes” that I had already said. On some level, I had internalized the message that the cultural narrative was more important, more valid than my own—that I should want to be caught. The path of least resistance for me was to comply willingly and to like it. I wished I could. I felt guilty for taking back a prize and scared at the realization that I was one. These scripts we learn have their own inertia, and I could not extricate myself quickly enough to stop it. In that moment, I hoped “Wait” would derail us.

When it did not, I tried to convince myself that it did not matter. The fact that the word was so hard for me to see (and harder to accept), the fact that you don’t see it at all, does not mean that the word isn’t there. On the contrary, our denial is symptomatic of the way rape culture simultaneously encourages and erases rape, leading me to believe that we were just friends who had bad sex.

It took me a long time to understand: The standards to which we hold our friends should not be gendered. The standards to which we hold other humans should not be gendered. 

I don’t think you woke up that next morning stomach-sick in a way you never have been, before or since. Unlike me, you did not compromise yourself that night. Despite the fact that you said, “You’re one of my best friends;” since that day at the picnic table, you have not once addressed what happened or treated me with any of the care and respect that title deserves.

So what we called a friendship was not. It was the dancing and the chemistry, but even more so it was the insinuated promise that one day my “No” would become a “Yes.” What we called friendship was predicated entirely on sex. But what we called sex was not. That relationship was predicated on rape. And while neither of us really understood it, that’s exactly what happened. 

Details have been changed to protect the anonymity of those mentioned. 

The Long Run

Six years ago, a naked, emaciated, 14-year-old boy crawled to a road in the desert of the Sinai Peninsula. Last fall, this same boy—now clothed and sinewy—passed me in the Colorado Springs Marathon, a full lap ahead. He had four miles to go, and I had over a dozen. Soon after that, his body started shutting down. The whole race, he did not stop for water. And though in training he had run over 30 miles without water, his body did not handle it well this time. Had he kept his original pace, he would have finished in two hours and 24 minutes, about 21 minutes shy of the world record. Still, Awet Beraki won the race with a time of two hours and 40 minutes. But Awet failed to break the all-Colorado marathon record for the 19-and-under age group. He had set it the year before.

The next week, at 6:30 a.m., we met for an eight-mile run. In the dark, we started our watches and took off down the red dirt of the Monument Creek Trail. Awet began telling me how he had come to Colorado Springs, speaking with ease, despite the six-something-minute-mile pace his GPS watch showed. I realized I would not be doing much talking. Awet would later tell me that was his “easy run.”


Awet grew up in the village of Bogu in the mountains of Eritrea, where his family lived in a thatched roof house made of stone. In the winter, the Beraki boys all had jobs. One tended the goats, one the cows, one the donkeys and camels, and one helped their parents sell eggs. Awet’s two sisters helped his mom in the house. “Over six years old, you have a job, you have to take care of something,” Awet says. One of his earlier jobs was tending the goats. The village boys and their goats would walk barefoot through the mountains from seven in the morning until six at night, when the stars would torch the sky. “My friends and I would hang out, talking, being distracted. We’d chase rabbits, eat them if we killed them, usually by throwing rocks at them.” Baboons, Awet says, were more elusive. “Baboons try to kill the goats, so we’d have a few of us chase the baboons, but we were never fast enough to catch them and kill them.” One day, the boys got distracted, and the goats strayed. Awet found several of his goats dead, baboons gnawing them to bits. The boys pelted the baboons with rocks and went home defeated. After that, Awet’s father made him work on the farm.

In 2011, Awet was 13 years old. The fall harvest had ended, winter was on its way, and Awet was free from chores. He and his childhood best friend, Ahmed, walked in white jellabiyas to the city of Keren to spend the day. They had been going to Keren on their own for years to eat lunch and watch the bike races. “City people make me laugh. I liked to watch them,” Awet says.

Awet and Ahmed stood in the shade of a building, watching the people walk by in white robes. A man approached the two of them and offered them work in his garden. The boys agreed, thinking of how happy their parents would be to have some extra money. They got in the man’s car and drove to Sawa, a nearby village. The man told them to sit under a tree and wait. He left, and after a long time a truck pulled up. The men in the truck spoke to them in Arabic. Awet could not understand what they were saying. Ahmed had studied the Quran, so he understood enough Arabic to know the men were offering to help them find work. The man who had brought Awet and Ahmed there returned and told them that these men would pay them much more. The boys believed him and nodded. They hopped in the truck.

The bulbous Taka Mountains rose from the horizon as the truck approached Kassala, Sudan. The truck had made it across the Eritrea-Sudan border without a problem. The men in the truck spoke Tigrinya, a language Awet and Ahmed had learned in school but not the one they spoke at home. They told Awet and Ahmed how fortunate they were to be free from the Eritrean military. For decades, Eritreans have streamed into Sudan to escape conscription, risking imprisonment or execution if they are caught. (Awet’s cousin has been in an Eritrean prison since he was caught trying to flee four years ago.)

The men said they would feed the boys and bring them to the refugee camp in Khartoum, where Awet and Ahmed’s friends from Bogu lived. Ahmed also had a brother there. The boys smiled and talked about seeing them all soon.

The men said they would feed the boys and bring them to the refugee camp in Khartoum, where Awet and Ahmed’s friends from Bogu lived. Ahmed also had a brother there. The boys smiled and talked about seeing them all soon. Awet and Ahmed had already forgotten that the men offered them work back in Eritrea. The truck rolled into Kassala, past the open-air markets, the donkeys, and the people standing in white robes. The boys assumed the men meant what they said. Awet had heard of kidnapping before, but he says, “I never believed it until it happened in front of my eyes.”

The truck stopped. The men told the boys to get out and go with those two men parked in a nearby truck. Awet and Ahmed did as they were told. The truck started and sped out of Kassala. “Then we knew something was gonna happen,” Awet told me. “They were acting crazy.” Dust rose from the unpaved road—the truck veered off, past mounds of desiccated earth and a few determined shrubs. They stopped outside of a brown brick house. A pack of men were shouting in Arabic, Kalashnikovs in some hands, knives in others, a handgun in every belt. Awet had never seen people brandishing weapons and yelling like that. He started shaking.

“I got off the truck and had a gun pointed to my head, and they told me to get on my knees,” Awet says. A man holding a knife spoke to the boys in Arabic. But Awet spoke only Blin and Tigrinya, and Ahmed did not know enough Arabic to understand what the man wanted. A translator told him in Tigrinya that the men would take the boys to Israel. Awet was still set on going to Sudan to see his old friends. The man with the knife asked the boys if they wanted to go to Israel, adding that the trip would cost 120,000 Eritrean nakfa (about $8,000 at the time). For Awet and Ahmed, the price was far too high. “We have nothing,” Awet said. Another man stepped closer and pressed the barrel of his gun to Awet’s face. Awet realized that they had been kidnapped. These men were only pretending to offer the boys their freedom. Immediately he replied, “I’ll go!”

“Basically, before you die, yeah—you’re gonna say yes,” Awet later told me with a laugh.

The man gesturing with the knife walked over to another prisoner, a 36-year-old, ex-military Eritrean. He had been caught after crossing the border to escape his military duty. Now he was kneeling in the dirt. All Awet heard was “No.” And then another man holding a Kalashnikov stepped up to the man and bashed his skull with the butt of his rifle. Two more men beat him with their fists and their rifles. Most of their blows landed on the man’s skull. His face fell to the bloody dirt. 

The captors slid their rifles over their shoulders, grabbed the fallen man by his shoulders, and pulled him back to his knees. One of them put a handgun to his head. Just before they would have killed him, the man on his knees raised a hand and yelled, “I’ll go.”

The men locked them in a truck and drove to another house 30 minutes away. They dragged the three captives down into the basement of the house. Awet saw 26 other Eritreans, most of them around his age, mostly young students, lying on blankets in a circle. Most of them had their feet tied. One man had his legs free, a privilege, because his Arabic was good enough to translate for the kidnappers. With guns pointed at their backs, Awet and Ahmed gave their wrists to a man who chained them together with padlocks then chained their ankles together. The captors locked them in the basement: two men, 24 boys, and three girls. When Awet needed to pee, two men unchained him and took him outside, holding a knife to him to keep him from running. A day passed like this. Awet was confused because the men had not even tried to make him pay the 120,000 nakfa. Another day passed. The captors gave them flatbread scraps and some water. Awet and Ahmed waited, expecting to be taken to Israel soon.

But no one would go to Israel. No one would go home, either. A week passed with the captives arguing about why they were there, where they were going, and when. Finally, the men herded the 29 starved and dehydrated Eritreans out from the basement and into the sun. A pickup truck was parked in front of them. The men no longer had to point their guns for their captives to obey. The men stripped the white jellabiyas off of Awet and Ahmed and gave them dirty shorts and T-shirts before packing them into the truck bed. “They layered us, several children and a tarp, then more children and a tarp,” Awet said. “We rode in the truck for a week like this.”

There were no roads. The truck bounced over dusty, broken Sudanese soil that still bears ready-to-detonate landmines left over from days of war. The truck stopped only once during the weeklong journey so that the captives could be fed. The men unloaded the captives from the truck and gave them bits of bread. They called the Eritreans animals and told them to eat. Then they put the withering bodies back in the truck.

The truck stopped in the Sinai Peninsula. In a week, they had driven over a thousand miles—about the distance from Los Angeles to Denver—over unpaved terrain. “We were unloaded from the truck. The boys that were on the bottom of the pile were dead,” Awet says. “I suppose they died by being crushed by the weight of all the children laid on top of them.” Awet was convinced that he too would die, that there was no way out.

The men left the shrunken, crushed corpses in the desert sun. They asked the captives to identify as either Christian or Muslim and then separated them into two groups. They shot each Christian in the head. Though Awet was raised Muslim, the men did not believe him because of his Christian name. “I managed to convince them,” he says. “I lived.”

The men brought the remaining Eritreans to a slave auction. “The place looked much like the camel market in Keren,” Awet says. “I have spent much time in the camel market, watching men sell and buy camels. Now I was the one being sold.” Someone bought Awet, Ahmed, and 11 other boys, as a group, for $33,000. Awet was worth $2,538.46.

The buyer and his men dragged the 13 boys away, loaded them into a truck, and drove into the desert. The truck stopped, the buyer and his guards removed the boys, and the boys saw a few scattered houses. The buyer had a gun on his hip and another strapped around his chest. He was known as John Cena, after the American wrestler, although this man was thin and his violence was not staged. The boys were led into a windowless room and chained to six other boys who had been there for six months. Each of the six boys had already paid their previous captors $25,000 for their freedom and transport to Israel. But John Cena, who was supposed to smuggle them to Israel, had kidnapped them instead, ransoming each of them for another $10,000. Their families had no money left to send.

They shot each Christian in the head. Though Awet was raised Muslim, the men did not believe him because of his Christian name. “I managed to convince them,” he says. “I lived.”

For years, men have smuggled Eritreans to Sudan, Egypt, Israel—really anywhere outside of Eritrea. Some smugglers offer no guarantee that they will refrain from selling their “cargo” to human traffickers before the journey’s end, should the trip’s cost cut into profit or if they just want to make more money.

The men who sold Awet and those who had bought him were part of the Rashaida, a Bedouin tribe known for trafficking humans in Northeast Africa. Traffickers are known to take Eritreans both from refugee camps in Sudan and from smugglers whom refugees pay to take them out of Eritrea. 

Between 2012 and 2014, CNN produced two documentaries about refugees in Northeast Africa and the risks they face, including kidnapping and being left to die after having their organs cut out and sold. It was not until 2017 that the Sudanese government launched a plan to combat human trafficking by attempting to reduce the number of refugees who are vulnerable to kidnapping. The year before, the Sudanese government “deported over 300 migrants, most Eritrean, including six registered refugees, back to Eritrea, where they faced abuse,” according to Human Rights Watch. But much of this abuse goes unnoticed. The international aid organization CARE (Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere) ranked Eritrea as having the second most underreported humanitarian crisis in 2017 with only 69 media articles published about it last year. 

This November, CNN reported on the slave auctions of migrants in Libya, igniting a protest in front of the Libyan Embassy in Paris. Anes Alazabi, a representative of Libya’s Anti-Illegal Immigration Agency, told CNN that the government plans to convict those who have violated human rights, “but also to identify the location of those who have been sold in order to bring them to safety and return them to their countries of origin.” But returning refugees to their homes often means putting them back in danger. So, the question remains: should Eritreans who were kidnapped and sold return to Eritrea, where the government might imprison and torture them for fleeing conscription? Those who return have good reason to flee again, perpetuating the cycle.

Many Eritrean refugees are kidnapped by human traffickers once they cross the border into Sudan. Awet’s story is unique not only because of where he ended up but also because he was not trying to leave Eritrea. Rather, he accepted an “offer” at gunpoint and ended up imprisoned with people who had been trying to escape Eritrea.


Awet called his father to ask for his third ransom. Awet’s father and uncles had taken out loans for Awet’s first two. The voice on the phone replied, “Tell them to kill you. I got nothing.” A pause. “I have nothing. I’m not lying to you.”

When John Cena said he had five days to contact his family, 13-year-old Awet was so scared that he almost could not remember his father’s cell phone number. Finally, it came to him. Then, morning and night, with John Cena’s phone, he called his father, mother, every family member, really anyone he could think of in the time the man gave him to beg for money. Each time, Awet’s family said they could not pay his ransom but they would try. “I come from mountain people. We have no money!” Awet told him, but John Cena did not listen. 

For those five days, John Cena was kind to the 13 new prisoners, giving them three meals a day and enough water. In that windowless room, the prisoners saw no sunlight, and every morning and every night was black. At the end of those five days, not one of the captives had come up with enough money to buy his freedom. 

The food and water stopped coming. The prisoners only saw light when John Cena came in with a lamp to torture them. He soaked their bare, chained feet in freezing water and whipped the tops of their feet with a metal rod.

Awet called his family again, but no money came. He remained a prisoner in that dark room for three months. He did not see the sun, and he had no way to keep track of time. He only knew it was night when he heard John Cena and his men talking in the adjacent room. 

Awet’s captors continued to beat and whip him. They hung him by his ankles from the ceiling for an hour each week. Awet says that at one point a 300-pound guard, “just came to me and said, ‘Why are you not paying the money?’ I said, ‘My family’s searching for the money.’ Then he just came and punched me in the teeth. Three of them fell out.” Awet called his family again and found out that they had come up with $20,000, enough to satisfy John Cena temporarily. Awet’s uncle in Israel had taken cash to a man in Tel Aviv who worked with Awet’s captors. John Cena insisted that Awet get him the remaining $13,000, but for a couple days, he fed Awet more and stopped beating him. Awet struggled to eat the bread he was given. He had lost three teeth, his gums were swollen, and he swallowed blood with each bite.

John Cena was expecting to buy another group of Eritreans, and he needed to make room for them. He knew another trafficker who had room for prisoners in his own house. He gave Awet, Ahmed, and another three boys to the trafficker to imprison them. The man locked the boys in another room with no source of light. 

 Again, Awet called his parents to ask for the ransom. This time, they came up with $13,000 from family members who had fled to the United States and Europe. Ahmed had already paid. But instead of freeing them as promised, John Cena decided he wanted more money. He moved Awet, Ahmed, and the rest of the captives to a third house. 

By this time the boys’ bones jutted out from their skin. John Cena was feeding them scraps every other day, only becoming more generous when someone’s family member paid. Dehydration forced Awet to drink his own urine. The chains had cut the skin from his ankles to expose the white bone underneath. Once, when Awet was awake, unsure of the time in the dark house, a light came on. John Cena approached Awet with a cup in one hand and a gun in the other. He ordered Awet to stand up, and Awet stood straight against the wall. “If you move,” he paused, balancing the cup on Awet’s head, “I’m gonna shoot you in the forehead.” Awet shook with fear, and the cup fell to the ground. The man grabbed the cup, put it back on Awet’s head, and stepped back, raising his gun. Awet shut his eyes and tried not to tremble. The man shot the cup: target practice.

Awet called his father to ask for his third ransom. Awet’s father and uncles had taken out loans for Awet’s first two. The voice on the phone replied, “Tell them to kill you. I got nothing.” A pause. “I have nothing. I’m not lying to you.” 

Months passed. Awet watched the bellies of women who had been raped by their captors swell. The captors beat the women and poured molten plastic on their backs. Awet could no longer walk and was barely breathing. His only consolation was that Ahmed was still with him, and a little bit healthier. Ahmed could stand up, at least.

One night, the captors decided that Awet, Ahmed, and a few other boys were too skinny and too close to death. “No one was going to buy us. We were just bones,” says Awet. The men had starved and tortured them for 11 months. The captors loaded their bodies into a truck and drove through the desert towards Israel. They stopped near the border, left the boys there naked, and sped off. Awet thought he was dead. The boys who could stand, including Ahmed, limped away. They left Awet and, as he later found out, reached the Israeli border. Awet crawled by himself for five minutes until he reached a road. Before long, an Egyptian army patrol truck pulled up next to him. A soldier got out and carefully lifted him into the truck. The boys who had left Awet had already been picked up and sat across from him. 

They were brought to a hospital in Arish that held 20 other Eritrean victims of human trafficking. The hospital workers locked the Eritreans in a single room, ostensibly to make it easier to keep track of them. Every two weeks, for five minutes, the hospital attendants let the Eritreans outside to see the sun. The attendants brought them food, and they could shower, sleep, and go to the bathroom as they pleased. Because Awet could not walk, he needed someone to help him take a shower.

In the hospital, Awet met Alganesh Fisseha, an Eritrean humanitarian worker, known among refugees as “Doctor Alganesh.” She cried when she saw Awet struggling to walk and often gave him extra rations. 

By his second month in the hospital, Awet could walk again. One month later, he and Ahmed had recovered enough to leave the hospital. Dr. Alganesh gave the boys, and anyone else who agreed not to return to Eritrea, money for food, plane tickets, and a car ride to Mai-Aini Refugee Camp in Ethiopia.

By the time they left the hospital, Awet had barely seen the sun for 14 months. “I was staring at the sun,” says Awet. “Everything was dizzy.” Upon entering the Mai-Aini Refugee Camp, the boys met with Ethiopian government officials to plan their next move. Awet told them in Tigrinya what had happened and showed them his scars. An Eritrean man helped the boys translate some details from Blin to Tigrinya; school had not taught them the words for what they had been through. 

The officials asked the boys, “You want to go to America?” Awet replied, “Yeah. I want to go to a better place. I want to get an education.”

The last time Awet had called his parents was five months before, when they had told him that they could not pay to free him. He dialed his mother’s number and said, “Hey, Mom, this is Awet.” She did not believe he was still alive, and tested him on his brothers’ names and where they lived until she was convinced he was her son. Awet’s father told him that his mother had cried every day since he had been kidnapped.


Awet turned 14. Some days he talked with officials from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) who asked him what he had been through. His scars were his testament. Other days he walked to the hospital for treatments and medical exams. One day, playing soccer, a friend accidentally kicked Awet where the chains had cut the skin from his ankle bone. The wound split open an bled. A doctor told him to stop playing soccer until he healed. After six months, Dr. Alganesh visited the camp to give advice to refugees. She did not recognize Awet because his skeleton no longer showed through his skin.

Awet met a number of kids at the refugee camp who were hoping to pass through Sudan to get "to a safe place like Europe or America." Awet says, "I told them not to go to Sudan because they're going to get kidnapped, but they just...nobody believes it. You can see all the scars, but nobody believes."

After the boys had spent a year and eight months in the refugee camp, UNHCR officials posted a list of eight people who would be relocated to the United States. Awet raced to the nearby kitchen to read the list. He and Ahmed would leave together in one week. He ran to the nearest phone to call his uncle in Virginia to tell him he was coming to America. 

"The week felt like a month," says Awet. He bought clothes and Ethiopian spices to take with him. (He has now almost run out of the spices.) Awet thought they would go live with Eritrean people, hopefully his uncle in Virginia. Instead, they were moved to Peyton, Colorado, a suburb of Colorado Springs, to live with a white foster mother who spoke neither Blin nor Tigrinya. Neither of the boys spoke English. "I was super uncomfortable," says Awet. "I didn't know what to say when I needed water. They called the translator who speaks Blin. They translated it, and then they said if you need water, ask."

Awet started running in 2014. He was 16, a freshman in high school, and he wanted to play soccer. After Awet had lived with his foster mother for three months, she encouraged him to run cross country because she had watched the New York Marathon on television and saw that all the winners were African. “Do it for me, one year, then you can quit,” she told him. That year he ran cross country at Falcon High School in Peyton. “I was on JV,” Awet says. 

Whenever Awet wanted to call his parents back in Eritrea, his foster mother would tell him that he had to earn that right by doing chores. At the end of the school year, they took a vacation to San Diego, where Awet saw the ocean for the first time in his life. Three days after they returned to Colorado, his foster mother told him she wanted to adopt him. He called his uncle, then his parents, to ask for permission, and they all said no. So Awet told his foster mother that she could not adopt him. They argued. That night, he left the house and slept under a bus stop bench next to his high school. The next day he moved in with a new foster family in Colorado Springs.

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That summer, Awet worked for the Mile High Youth Corps rebuilding hiking trails. He sent the money to his family back in Eritrea. His dad called and said, “You don’t have to worry about us. Take care of yourself. You’re in high school.”

By late 2016, his junior year and his last cross country season, Awet had dropped his 5K time to 16 minutes and four seconds. He moved out of his foster family’s house to live in an apartment with Ahmed, where they live now. Awet was probably already among the top 100 runners in the country in his age group, but he was hoping to get even faster and run a 5K in the 15:40s. That September, he ran the American Discovery Trail Marathon in two hours, 38 minutes, and 18 seconds. He placed first in the race, setting a new course record for the 19-and-under age group. He still holds the all-Colorado record for the marathon in the 19-and-under age group, according to Colorado Runner Magazine

In the spring of 2017, Awet got hit by a car and got a concussion. A week later he had a track meet. Despite his injury, he ran the mile in four minutes and 33 seconds, and the two-mile in nine minutes and 35 seconds. His doctor was not happy. Back in 2011, his captors had frequently struck him on the head, and he had suffered what were later diagnosed as multiple concussions. Proceeding to run while concussed, especially with his history, was particularly detrimental to his recovery. He still had frequent headaches. His doctor ordered him to stop running, so he did, but only for a month.

“I want to be a good runner,” Awet says, after explaining that he’s only been taking running seriously since last year. Awet says a year of serious running is nothing; he can only keep up for two miles with the Kenyan-Americans who run for the U.S. Olympic team. Awet tells me that their advantage is that they don’t have to go to school, so they can train twice a day and nap in between. They have it easy. Awet hopes to train like them one day.

“Running was my way to get out of my depression, to stop thinking about what happened,” Awet says. “It makes me super free, happy.” His coach warned him not to run marathons during cross country season, that his body did not need more of a beating. But Awet wants to run long distances. “People say I’m crazy, but I was stuck in one place for 11 months. It’s nothing for me. I’m not scared of dying. I’m not afraid of it,” he says. Then, with a laugh, “People think marathons are hard.”


Awet will graduate this year from Palmer High School. He has a full scholarship to Stephen F. Austin State University in Texas, where he will run cross country on an NCAA Division I team in the fall. Talking to him, it is easy to forget where he has been. He seems like any high school student who watches movies, cracks jokes, and plays cards with friends. If he appears exceptional, it is for his athleticism, not his history. 

But Awet’s history is, of course, exceptional. It drives him to run, and it also seems to have given him a kind of gentleness you might not expect in anyone who has lived through what he has. Last fall, we met up for breakfast. A bumblebee landed on my grapefruit half and stuck its face in it. Awet looked at it like, “What are you doing, man,” shook his head, and reached for it with his pointer finger and thumb. He lightly pinched the bee’s wing and placed it down on the other side of the table, with no harm to either of them.

As gentle as he is, Awet runs with abandon and refuses to stop. After college, he wants to run marathons. “I want to go to Kenya to train,” he says. He hopes to see his family, whom he has not seen in over seven years. But he will not return to Eritrea unless he becomes an American citizen first, because otherwise the Eritrean government would arrest him or force him to join the military. He calls his family once a week now. A year ago, his father was forced to join the military. “He has the gun. At night he has to go guard something like property for the government,” Awet says. Awet’s younger brother, now 17, started smuggling people across the Eritrea-Sudan border to make money. “They ask him to take them. He only takes the money they give him,” Awet says, insisting his brother is not a human trafficker. Their father told him not to return because the government would arrest both of them for Awet’s brother’s smuggling operation. Recently Sudan closed its border with Eritrea, and Awet says his brother has not been able to return home. Another one of Awet’s brothers was in the Shagarab refugee camp in Sudan, near Kassala. He has now safely made it to Egypt and waits in a refugee camp to come to the United States. Awet does not know how long that will take. He will probably have to wait for his parents to escape to a safer country before he sees them again. He hopes that running will give him the freedom to travel and see his family sooner.

Awet mentions Meb Keflezighi, an Olympic silver medalist who won the 2009 New York City Marathon at 34 and the 2014 Boston Marathon at 38. Meb was 12 when he and his family came to the United States from Italy, where they had lived for a year after fleeing Eritrea in 1986. “I have years to get there,” Awet tells me. After college, he says, “My job is going to be, ‘Run.’”

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On September 4, 2017, he ran the American Discovery Trail Half Marathon. He finished in one hour, 10 minutes, and nine seconds, setting the new overall course record and the all-Colorado record for the half marathon in his age group. About four weeks later, Awet was hanging out with friends on a Friday night and went to bed late. He woke up after five hours of sleep and biked down to Acacia Park to run the Colorado Springs Marathon.

That morning, around 11 a.m., I saw Awet for the second time, now wrapped in a green and yellow windbreaker, leaning against his bike, holding a first place trophy, and talking to Ahmed. I had no idea Awet was mad at himself. “I’m not happy with it,” he would tell me weeks later. “I believe I can run 2:24. I didn’t get enough sleep.” Awet told me that near the finish line his vision blurred and his legs seized up. The finish line photos show the face of someone who is not sure if he can stand. But he stayed on his feet.

A Bloody Exchange

How much would you charge for one of your kidneys? $1,000? $100,000? Sure, the general medical consensus is that you can live with one kidney. But what if that kidney fails? At best it sounds like a gamble. At worst, you die.  But if someone offered you enough, would you take it? How much will it be? 

The truth is that it doesn’t really matter in the United States. Since Congress passed the National Organ Transplant Act in 1984, it has been illegal to sell human organs, though a person can choose to donate their organs. While the sale or donation of organs might sound sinister and distant, a topic reserved for black markets or postmortem specifications on drivers licenses, blood donation, which is fundamentally comparable, is probably a little more familiar. 

There are manifold opportunities to give blood, especially for young, rosy-cheeked students. Blood drives pop up on college campuses like zits on a 13-year-old (as you might be familiar with (the former, not latter (maybe both))). But selling blood, while technically legal, is stigmatized: in practice, hospitals don’t buy blood labelled as “sold,” largely because of the shadowy ethical foundation surrounding these sales. For many people, something seems rather distasteful about the idea that people can profit off the sale of a part of the human body. So, when you give your blood, you donate it. An act of total altruism.  

While you can’t walk out of your neighborhood blood drive with a crisp $50 bill in pocket, you can donate blood plasma for compensation. Plasma is a part of your blood—55 percent of it to be precise—and is largely composed of water, in addition to electrolytes and hundreds of proteins. In your body, suspended amidst the plasma, are white blood cells, red blood cells, and platelets. Once separated from the rest of your blood, plasma is a worn-out, off-yellow liquid.

Having tripled in size from 2008 to 2014, plasma pharmaceuticals now constitute a nearly $20 billion industry. Plasma, used for research and development of medicines for hemophiliacs, treatment of serious burns, and certain immune disorders, has settled into a cozy and expanding niche in the American medical industry—indeed, only in the American medical industry. The U.S. supplies around 94 percent of the plasma used around the world. A portion of donated plasma goes toward research, but the rest fuels the production of a variety of pharmaceuticals.

The industry of plasma donation has a scarred and tumultuous history. In the mid-20th century, companies interested in harvesting plasma compelled prisoners to “donate” by offering them pennies on the dollar as compensation. In the 1980s, reckless medical practices during plasma withdrawal resulted in a wave of HIV and hepatitis spread by the ingestion of drugs that contained donated plasma. Plasma sales shot down for a few years because of the scandal, but, after the implementation of stricter regulations and oversight of plasma extraction, the market began to grow again. Total “donations” jumped from 12.5 million in 2006 to about 23 million just five years later. Although most plasma donations are compensated for, clinics unflinchingly use the term “donation,” trying to escape the ethical ambiguities involved with selling parts of the human body. 

While health standards for plasma donation improved, regulation of Big Plasma’s business practices and ethics remained sorely lacking, and now a select few companies dominate the field. The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) complains in a 2011 report that “the plasma-derived products industry has operated as a tight oligopoly,” and describes “intentional sharing of competitive information” by companies to avoid “oversupplying the market or starting a price war.” The FTC adds, “There was evidence of a history of coordinated activity in the industry, and that is going to raise concerns when you’re reducing the number of competitors.”

While the journey of blood plasma after extraction is tremendously complex, the donation process itself is relatively simple. After sitting in a waiting room of a plasma clinic for what can often stretch to a couple hours, you’re brought to a part of the clinic lined with identical, sterile hospital beds. Standing to the side of each bed, as though guarding it, is a complicated medical device with tubes running in and out of it. In an explanatory video by BioLife Plasma Services, which operates a clinic in Colorado Springs, this instrument is referred to, rather ambiguously and ominously, as “the separation device.” Once connected to the machine, the “separation device” draws blood from your arm as you flex and relax your fist to stimulate blood flow. It separates out plasma and then, for another few minutes, pumps plasma-deprived blood and a sterile saline solution back into your arm. The newly-extracted plasma is sent to labs for further “fractionation,” where specific proteins are separated from the rest so that they can be used in pharmaceuticals. 

Overall, the process seems benign enough. Most clinics incessantly claim that no long-term consequences exist. But Dr. Roger Kobayashi, an immunologist at UCLA, warned during an interview with ABC News that “we really don’t know what the long-term effects [are] because it’s a relatively new phenomenon.” That’s largely why other medically advanced countries have balked at allowing plasma pharma businesses to take off. 

Recent Colorado College graduate Isaac Radner donated plasma in the Denver area. He recalled feeling that something was off during the process. As the non-plasma constituents of blood were pumped back into his arm, he “had an awful feeling of pressure building up in [his] vein.” Since this part of the cycle only happened for five minutes at a time, Radner didn’t have time to mention the discomfort to an attendant. He added that during his visit there was a shortage of saline, which is normally used to help rehydrate patients—a shortage the clinic claimed was “nationwide.” They made him drink a Gatorade before he could leave, a common policy to ensure a patient’s well-being. Radner might have walked out of the clinic $50 richer, but he was left wondering if everything had gone right. After a prolonged reflection on selling his plasma, Radner would soon decide that donation just wasn’t worth it.


Talecris Plasma Resources is hidden amongst one of those brutalist medical industrial parks, its windowless brick exteriors matching that of the surrounding buildings. When I stopped by to learn more (I have wretched, iron-rich blood, so I can’t actually go through the donation process), the clinic didn’t seem too different from a regular doctor’s office. Though the clinic was lacking in Legos and subtly outdated copies of Sports Illustrated Kids, I might as well have been at my old pediatrician’s office (kind of). A row of machines was visible from the waiting room, where patients entered their basic personal and medical details. Hidden from view, an attendant screamed first names and last initials to summon the next donor in line. The attendants aren’t doctors, nor are they required to have nursing certification.

I visited the clinic at 10 a.m. on a Monday, and the eight or so patients in the waiting room represented a diversity of age, gender, and race. After aimlessly milling around the small waiting room, I approached the receptionist in hopes of learning about the process. But, she demanded to see my Social Security card and that I pass an initial exam to learn anything more. 

Few of the patients appeared young and healthy, of the ilk that campus blood drives seek out. A couple of the plasma donors with whom I’ve spoken mentioned that, at clinics they attended, most other patients “seemed like they might really need the money.” This sounds presumptuous and pejorative, and perhaps it is. But there might be some truth to it. The industry exploded during the Great Recession of the early aughts, as thousands of Americans lost their life savings and looked for quick sources of income anew. About 80 percent of the plasma donation clinics in the U.S. are, suspectly, located in the country’s poorer neighborhoods—places where poor health is endemic. 

This disproportionate distribution has aroused a fair amount of criticism of the industry for targeting poorer Americans, who are far more willing to supply plasma than their wealthy counterparts. Watchdogs of the industry wave a red flag at this paradigm and often suggest that incentivizing poor and disadvantaged patients to donate plasma makes it more likely that they will have contagious diseases and that they will lie about these pre-existing conditions to get the promised compensation. The presence of this structure of incentives led to the late-century wave of infections from plasma donation, though hematological health screening has improved greatly since then due to market growth and greater pressure for accountability.

Dr. Kobayashi puts the result of this targeting of poor Americans succinctly when he says, “A simple gift of life has now evolved into a multinational, highly profitable corporate enterprise...what was once an act of altruism has now evolved into an act of necessity or desperation.” Sure, to some extent people can do what they please with their body, as they should be able to. But in well-established market economies, some unsavory realities emerge with regard to body commodification. When you’re poor, selling your plasma can become less of a choice and more of a necessity. Thus, we see the overwhelming majority of plasma clinics in impoverished neighborhoods. These neighborhoods are populated with marginalized people who have been shoved, by that brutish invisible hand, into needing a $50 stipend from selling a part of their body to put food on the table. Does the donor really have a choice? At clinics like Talecris, most donors are repeat donors. They speak of ritualized processes, like using their left arm for the donation one week and then their right arm the next week. 

It strikes me as imposing and pretentious to tell the people waiting in the lobby of Talecris Plasma Resources that they shouldn’t be able to sell their plasma for $40 to 60—that they’re “commodifying their bodies,” or that it’s wrong. Even if the process takes you three hours, the donor is earning far more than what a minimum wage job could offer in the same span of time. It certainly seems like a worthwhile use of their time. 

Clinics like Talecris insist that any compensation they provide is for the time spent donating, not for the plasma itself. They tirelessly obfuscate the fact that you are profiting off of a part of your body. Testimonial videos, forums, and Facebook pages are filled to the brim with customers gushing over how good it feels to “save someone’s life.” Explanatory videos feature cartoon characters like “Grif the Elf” who is apparently “looking for way [sic] to make a difference in his community year round.” 

Many plasma donors speak warmly of their experience. As a bonus, the compensation allows them to get their kid a Christmas gift or the week’s groceries. One donor celebrates, on Facebook, how “the donor compensation gives me a little bit of money to spend on the kids every week after my wife spends all of mine.” Another proposes an idea: “How about special recognition rewards for the most loyal and dedicated donors. I am coming up on donation #200 since November of 2015. By the calculations, I’ve donated over 43 U.S. gallons of plasma to date.” 

Hannah Bollen, a junior at Colorado College, noted that, for her, donating plasma and blood was “a form of community service.” Her comment was reminiscent of the remarks made by dozens of Talecris’ donors. She donated plasma at a blood drive run in the Worner Campus Center, so she wasn’t compensated. But when I pressed her to consider getting compensated for her plasma, she conceded that it might “stop feeling like community service.” 

Plasma donation in its current form may strike you as benign, and it very well might be. But it raises a series of important questions about a person’s freedom with their body and the shadier, more insidious side of market economies. Medically modernized countries (mostly the U.S.) draw an arbitrary line between the ways people should and shouldn’t be able to sell parts of their bodies. Our medical system turns up its nose at selling blood but screams to buy a part of that blood from you. 

A couple years ago, a 2011 Federal Appeals court case made it legal to sell your bone marrow, a body part previously forbidden from being sold under the 1984 National Organ Transplant Act. We all-too-easily lead ourselves into simple delusions, comfortable ones. Like that the $50 from a plasma donation center is for “your time” and not a part of your body. Or that selling plasma is substantively different from selling blood. Or that it should be legal to sell bone marrow, but selling a kidney should not be.  

The market for blood plasma is, to me, not so much  a cultural infection—something bad in and of itself—as it is a symptom. No, the government shouldn’t be able to tell anyone that selling a part of my body to make a needed $50 is wrong. But the fact that any American would need to do this in the first place is profoundly discouraging. Perhaps there is more to why the U.S. is the only medically modernized country that has embraced the unfailing advances of Big Plasma. We are seduced by profit motives, and struggle to see beyond them. 

America has so much trouble helping those citizens who really need its help. With such a destitute and inadequate net for social welfare, it makes sense that market solutions avail themselves to people who need $100 more a month than they are getting. And when the market’s solution involves selling a part of your body, it is not evidence of the moral shortcomings of donors, but rather a glaring indictment of the American government’s treatment of its disadvantaged.

Born of Necessity

“Quimbombó, quimbombó echoed off the sides of the weathered concrete buildings of Havana. A man poked his head out from a terrace and tossed a woven basket on a string down to the street below, where a woman with a shopping cart full of okra, or quimbombó, stood waiting. She replaced the coins in the basket with okra, and the man hoisted it back up to his balcony. 

This woman spends her days delivering okra directly to her neighbors—a trusting exchange we don’t see often enough in the United States. In modern industrial societies, food production happens on a much larger scale. The mass production of food usually depends on polluting the environment and our bodies, wasting enormous amounts of food, and exploiting low-wage labor. What’s more, the U.S.’ system prevents the kind of personal connection through food that this woman seems to have with her neighbors in Havana. Industrial agriculture offers us an overwhelming abundance of options on supermarket shelves. But it also means that the choice of what to buy at the grocery store becomes a political one. 

In the United States, attempting to buy only organic, non-GMO food means you fit the mold of a crunchy, progressive friend of the earth. But being a healthy, environmentally responsible citizen is a choice only a privileged few get to make. You need the money, and the knowledge about how food is produced, to be able to go to King Soopers and support your beliefs with your dollars—to choose multigrain bread over Wonder Bread. If you can afford it, you can even go to the local farmer’s market instead. The true puritans cultivate vegetables in their backyards, so they don’t even have to enter a lowly supermarket. 

Cuba seemed to fulfill this green dream on a national scale. Buying and growing organic is ubiquitous in the Cuban food system. Cuban farming practices are exactly what New England organic growers drool over: no pesticides, no chemical fertilizers, and no petroleum-powered machinery. The only crops that are produced on a large enough scale that they need to be grown nonorganic are tobacco and sugarcane, export crops grown in order to satisfy Americans’ desire for a classic Cuban cigar or mojito. This means that Cuba’s only pesticide-laden crops are sold to developed nations that already indulge in pesticide-laden industrial agriculture. 


My desire to study Cuban agriculture arose out of a longing for familiarity, both of farming and my own Cuban roots. Before visiting Cuba I only had my father—a white-passing, introverted immigrant—to give me any idea of what Havana was like. He left the island in 1960, at eight years old, just a year after Fidel Castro came into power. Most Cubans who escaped during the revolution were relatively wealthy, educated, and conservative. They had both the values and the means to escape across the Florida Strait. But my dad ended up further to the left than Bernie Sanders. 

He doesn’t talk about his Cuban roots unless probed, and because his accent faded long ago, a conversation rarely gives him away. But when he sings, it’s often in Spanish. Some of the strongest connections to Cuba I experienced growing up were the island colors he chose to paint the walls of our house: mint green, peach, rubber duck yellow. And my father still retains his staunch frugality, refusing to throw away the stuff that’s accumulated in piles on the shelves. Like the island where he was born, he is colorful, resourceful, and reluctant to spend money on anything new. This I have inherited (sometimes with an ounce of resentment). 

The importance of community is at the heart of my dad’s beliefs, which is why I ended up being raised in an intentional, sustainable cohousing community. Pioneer Valley Cohousing is a mix between a condo association and a commune, where neighbors share land, values, and resources in an attempt to foster community. Cohousing residents are responsible for collective chores and collaborative decision-making. For the first two decades of my life, I lived among this quirky mix of retired hippies and young families, nibbling carrots in the garden, collecting chicken eggs, and eating meals made from these homegrown ingredients with 40 of my neighbors twice a week. Crunchy paradise, indeed. 

Now, community and sustainable agriculture are fused in my mind. To make small-scale, eco-friendly farming work, you need a network of consumers who share values. The existence of community has always depended on equitable food systems and vice versa. In the U.S., a cooperative lifestyle is a privilege, accessible to few. But in Cuba, community and organic food appear to be woven into the fabric of society. At least that’s what it looked like on paper. 


By the time I stood in a checkout line at a Cuban supermarket, my hope of rediscovering agricultural community had faded. Beads of sweat gathered along my hairline as I fumbled with two five-gallon jugs of water. Vegetables were absent from the shelves, which were sparsely stocked with plastic-wrapped, vacuum-sealed, and not-quite-frozen food that appeared to be sweating as much as I was. Despite the sparseness, the bustle of Cubans shopping for staples filled the air with chatter and a jovial spirit you don’t see at American grocery stores.

My spirits lifted a bit when, walking home, I passed an agromercado, an outdoor air market overflowing with root vegetables, greens, and tropical fruit. All of the produce was fresh and organic, as I had been expecting. But I would later learn that the agromercados were only masking the reality that rice and beans characterized the Cuban diet, not organic produce. Most Cubans can’t afford to shop at the agromercados on a government salary. I set out to find a farm that supplied a market vendor with vegetables so I could follow the process of organic farming from the source. I ended up at the largest and most renowned urban farm in Cuba: Vivero Alamar. 

I had met a British woman living in Cuba, who told me to wait on a street corner in Old Havana for a shared taxi heading toward the district of Alamar. I squeezed onto the wide leather seat in an already-packed 1950s Cadillac. After nervously searching the passing buildings and beaches, I somehow found the correct soda stand that marked my destination. I hopped out and asked around until I found myself staring at an overflowing vegetable stand beneath a chipped white sign that read “Organopónico Vivero Alamar.” A man directed me toward an expanse of crop fields to wait for Raúl, a farmer who would show me around. 

Raúl and I talked under the thatched roof of a cafe. He fiddled with a sprig of yerba buena as he explained the disconnect I had observed between organic agriculture and food consumption in Cuba. Raul had been working at Vivero Alamar for the past few years and took pride in the farm’s international reputation and impact on the local food economy. As the largest organic urban farm in Cuba, Vivero Alamar spreads over 25 acres and grows everything from peppers and plantain trees to medicinal mushrooms and ornamental mariposa lilies. They sell 80 percent of their harvest directly to the local community through farm stands. The rest ends up in hotels and restaurants in Havana. To improve output without pesticides, they practice companion planting. This method involves the pairing of two plants to maintain soil quality and prevent erosion. For example, marigolds are planted to repel insects and nematodes that would otherwise destroy root systems. Vivero Alamar improves the soil quality of their land, while helping to feed the greater Havana community. And these methods are not unique to Vivero Alamar. Chemical fertilizers, pesticides, and oil-powered agricultural machinery are entirely absent from any of Havana’s urban farms. 

Raúl’s overview of the farm left me speechless and giddy: here, there is no produce that’s weeks old and shipped from hundreds of miles away. Ninety percent of vegetables eaten in Havana are grown locally, and all are grown organically. Environmentalist farm geeks eat that shit up. But when I expressed my admiration, Raul laughed incredulously. “Sure, we take pride in the fact that it’s all natural, but it wasn’t a choice,” he told me. “When there was a lack of teachers, an education initiative was created; when there was a lack of food and fuel, people began to farm. Simple.” 

“Sure, we take pride in the fact that it’s all natural, but it wasn’t a choice,” he told me. “When there was a lack of teachers, an education initiative was created; when there was a lack of food and fuel, people began to farm. Simple.” 

Raul was referring to the Special Period. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 propelled Cuba into an economic crisis. Cuba had relied on the Soviets for petroleum, gas, medicine, and food. After the collapse, Cuba remained hostile toward the global capitalist economy, and the U.S. refused to trade with the island nation just 90 miles off the coast, so Cuba faced severe shortages. The average Cuban lost 12 pounds. The Special Period forced Cubans to be extremely resourceful, which led to the development of sustainable agriculture. Due to the lack of imported oil to fuel tractors and chemicals to spray on crops, Cuba resorted to using a system of organopónicos, urban farms like Vivero Alamar that use companion planting, crop rotation, integrated pest management, and human labor. Now, these organic farms are nestled between bustling Havana city blocks.

From my perch as an affluent American foodie, I had fetishized the natural cultivation techniques, while remaining oblivious to the circumstances that forced Cuba to adopt these food production methods. Unlike activist-minded consumers from the U.S., Cubans never had the privilege to say “no” to Roundup or “yes” to fair trade. In the U.S., organic food is a highly politicized dietary trend—by eating organic, you alter personal consumption in support of alleviating global problems. We have adopted organic farming as a form of protest. But in Cuba, organic agriculture was born of necessity. People needed food, and they didn’t have access to expensive pesticides and machinery; they couldn’t afford to be worry about ethical concern for the quality of the land or, say, the lifestyle of their pigs. 

Cuban farmers are government employees, subject to the will of the Castros. What the government says goes. For now, their mandate is, “Live simply, don’t use oil.” But if the Cuban government were able to increase their profits from export-oriented production by welcoming Monsanto or artificial pesticides, then the farmers at Vivero Alamar would have no choice but to abandon their small-scale agroecological practices. 

As I left Vivero Alamar, I noticed a painted sign that advertised “all-organic,” which struck me as ironic considering that this was by no means a selling point in an all-organic country. I started thinking back on my time so far in Cuba: the few times I had eaten food that was labeled as organic and local were in chic cafes that catered more to tourists than locals. After visiting the farm, I ate those veggie-stuffed crepes beneath tropical plants, surrounded by rustic wooden décor, with the sour taste of disillusionment on my tongue, knowing that the average Cuban couldn’t even afford food like this. 

I realized that I could not equate my backyard garden (even the one in my hippy town) with the hardships Cubans have faced in figuring out how to grow food the “old-fashioned” way. Nor did I find ethnic validation by reveling in Cuba’s eco-socialist agenda or discovering the harmonious way that healthy, organic produce has flourished in Havana. Instead, I realized that going to Cuba does not make me more Cuban. I may have the heritage, but I haven’t suffered from unreliable access to food, antiquated technology, or lack of social mobility. 

I had a new sense of a country I had previously regarded as an idyllic leftist’s paradise. I had so revered Cuba’s iconic communitarian spirit but had ignored the scarcity and isolation that has been Cuba’s reality. The U.S. might well have to contend with a similar situation—Cuba has already experienced a world that’s coming down the pipeline due to climate change; a world in which oil is no longer a viable fuel option and water is even more scarce than it is now. We too might be forced into a future where resource shortages abound. 

But as much as Vivero Alamar had initially inspired me with its sustainable practices, it dashed my hope that communities in the U.S. would be able to follow its example. The U.S. can’t model a shift to sustainable agriculture after a country that never had the choice to be anything but that—we can’t look to Cuba for a set of values that will change our food system. Cuba didn’t arrive at its system by means of a social movement, but rather by necessity. 

The Other Minimum Wage

When a sheepherder named Alejandro saw me approaching his tiny trailer in the mountains of western Colorado, he stepped out and greeted me warily in Spanish: “Hola. Perdon, pero…como me encontraste?” “Hi. Sorry, but…how did you find me?”

Not a typical greeting, but Alejandro rarely greets visitors—or anyone else, for that matter. His trailer sat among a thousand grazing sheep, as close to the middle of nowhere as one can get. We were a mile off a dirt road that splits off of County Road 16, which begins about 10 miles outside of Loma, CO, which is about 20 miles outside of Grand Junction, CO, all of which is pretty far away from any place most Americans have ever heard of. “Binoculars,” I replied.

Once I had convinced Alejandro (whose last name has been omitted to protect his anonymity) that I wasn’t working for the government or his boss, he welcomed me into his trailer, which he called a campito. He closed the door and said, “I would offer you a place to sit, but the only places are my bed or the stove.” So we stood, and Alejandro recounted his routine: he gets up with the sun, eats some oatmeal, and heads out to round up the sheep that have wandered off overnight. He spends the day checking the sheep for diseases, hauling water for them to drink, herding them to grazing areas, and protecting them from dangers, which he listed, raising a finger for each one: “coyotes, mountain lions, poisonous plants, foxes, and wolves.”

Alejandro is one of roughly 2,000 sheepherders working in the United States on an H-2A visa. The H-2A visa, which was created primarily for seasonal agricultural work, allows foreigners to come to the U.S. for temporary employment if there are not enough domestic workers to meet employers’ needs. Most recipients of H-2A visas are in fact seasonal farmworkers, but sheepherders usually work year-round, for three years at a time. They make somewhere from $3 to $7.25 per hour (depending on who you ask), and they spend the vast majority of each year living alone in small trailers, usually many miles from other people. They’re on call 24 hours per day, seven days per week, for almost the entire year.

I told Alejandro I was doing research on sheepherding in Colorado and he asked, “Why? It’s not a pretty job.” (That much had been clear to me from the outset.) I asked, what the ugliest part of the job is, and I expected him to mention one of the grievances other herders had raised with me: the winter weather, the low wage, the tiny living quarters, the lack of a toilet, the 80-hour workweek, mistreatment from the boss, or, as another sheepherder put it, “lots of other shit.”

But without hesitation, Alejandro said “the loneliness.” He paused and clarified, slowing his Spanish down for me, “You cannot imagine the loneliness.” Until then, no herder I had spoken with had mentioned loneliness aloud, but nearly all of them had implied that it was difficult. They do, after all, live alone almost all year. They’re rarely allowed to leave the land on which they work, and they’re often not allowed to have visitors. When a herder does have human contact, it’s almost always with his boss and, even then, rarely more than once every few days.

Alejandro did go on to describe the other difficulties of his job, echoing the claims made in a 2010 report by Colorado Legal Services (CLS), an organization that provides free legal assistance to migrant agricultural workers and their families. The report, called “Overworked and Underpaid: H-2A Herders in Colorado,” relies on a survey of 93 herders in Colorado. The survey was conducted by Thomas Acker, a Spanish professor at Colorado Mesa University, and Ignacio Alvarado, a former H-2A sheepherder.

The findings of the report are striking enough to repeat verbatim: About 73 percent of the herders reported having zero days off over the course of a year. More than 80 percent were not permitted to leave their ranch. 85 percent were not allowed to have visitors who were not ranch employees. Roughly 70 percent reported never having access to a functioning toilet. 85 percent were never permitted to engage in social activities. Almost 50 percent reported not having the opportunity or ability to read their employment contracts.

Ignacio Alvarado spent months driving around western Colorado interviewing herders for to get the results published in this report. He hoped the report could be used in the court cases about herders that have sprung up in recent years. Alvarado, who came to the U.S. from Chile about 20 years ago on an H-2A visa, worked as a sheepherder for six years himself. Since then, he’s advocated for herders through local legal aid organizations.

I met Alvarado at his house near Loma, and he recounted his career as a sheepherder: Twenty years ago, when he arrived at his job and was taken to his campito, Alvarado asked his boss, “Excuse me, I’m going to live in this thing?” His boss replied, “Yeah, and for three years, buddy.” Alvarado told me he remembers thinking, “In Chile, a dog would live in this thing.” When he asked his boss how he would shower, his boss said, “You don’t shower anymore.”

Not only were the conditions rough (and rougher than they are now), but the pay at the time was also only $650 per month, or, in Alvarado’s estimation, 29 cents per hour. But the wage was still better than it was for sheepherders in Chile, so Alvarado renewed his visa after three years. Toward the end of the second visa period, though, he caught a disease from a tick. He went to the ranch to ask his boss to take him to the hospital, but his boss had left on a trip. Over the phone, his boss said he would send his wife to take him. He waited for days, but she never came. So Alvarado used the ranch’s phone to call a friend of his, who took him to a hospital. At the time, it was written into most herders’ contracts that they could not leave the ranch or grazing lands. “So,” Alvarado said, “technically, it was a crime to save my own life.”

All this occurred not far from Loma, where Alvarado still lives, fourteen years after leaving the sheepherding industry. I asked if he had ever considered moving somewhere else, and he said he’s only stuck around in Loma this long in order help out other herders. Aside from his legal aid and advocacy work, Alvarado often drives into the hills outside Loma to find herders and bring them back to his house to give them a good meal and a shower. “Then,” he said, “I drive them back before anyone notices they were gone.” The herders in the area clearly appreciate what he does: one of them referred to him as, “el otro Santo Ignacio'“—the other Saint Ignatius.


It was with Alvarado in mind that I began to talk to the ranchers who employ H-2A sheepherders. The industry they describe bears almost no relation to the world Alejandro and Alvarado recounted. Warren Roberts, a rancher working near New Castle, CO, said that what seem at first to be rough conditions are actually part of what he called a “great exchange” between ranchers and herders. In fact, Roberts said of his herders, “We treat them probably as good, maybe even better, than family members.”

Roberts stressed that the men who come to work as sheepherders on the H-2A program are “making tremendous money for their lifestyle.” He recounted a conversation he had with Department of Labor (DOL) employees who came to audit his ranch a few years ago: “You all have no idea how good it is for these guys, how much it improves their families’ situations because of being able to work up here,” he told them. Roberts also pointed to the fact that wages have increased “like crazy” in the past decade. And wages have in fact doubled since 2010. The government-determined wage floor was $750 per month in 2010 and, after a 2015 ruling, is now at roughly $1,500 per month.

And herders are, as Roberts said, using their salaries to improve their families’ lives. One herder I spoke to said that he used his salary to provide his two daughters with an education, which they would never have had otherwise. Other herders are able to get a parent a new set of teeth or a sibling sorely needed medical care. Alejandro, for example, is slowly sending back money for, in his words, “a real house” for his family. At this rate, though, he won’t get to live in it for another decade.

Wages aside, ranchers seem to think that the working conditions are far from brutal, especially compared to how they claim the herders live in their home countries. Angelo “Butch” Theos, whose ranch is near Meeker, CO, said, “These guys come from Peru, where they lived in a hovel. They dig a hole, they have three or four pieces of tin. That’s their roof, and that’s where they stay. And they bring their families, too, and they burn cow dung for fire.” Theos went on: “A lot of them won’t even send pictures back to their wives of where they stay because it’s so nice! It’s way different than Peru, and these guys obviously wouldn’t be here if they didn’t like it.”

Although living conditions in herders’ home countries are often shocking, the herders’ own accounts complicate Theos’ view. Alvarado told me, “In Chile, I worked from Monday to Saturday, but I had Sunday off, and I was with my family on the ranch, and, well, I cleaned myself. But [the ranchers] think that because we come from over there—from whatever country they don’t know about—we must have lived in a hut under the trees, or something.”

Theos, Roberts, and other ranchers tend to highlight essential cultural (or, as they say, “natural”) differences between Peruvians and Americans to explain why a job that no Americans want is not only desirable, but also suitable for Peruvians. The point is, as Roberts put it, “They’re not Americans. They don’t think the same way.” Or, as Theos put it, “They’re well-suited to the job in a way that Americans just aren’t.” 

Claims like these imply a stereotype we ought to be wary of, but the ranchers are right that Americans don’t want these jobs: There are, according to ranchers and herders alike, zero American sheepherders working in Colorado, and very few even in the United States as a whole. Ranchers and herders also both agree that sheepherders from Latin America tend to work much harder and be more appreciative than their American counterparts. The herders I spoke to myself were sometimes exceedingly grateful for their wages, and it’s undeniable that they work hard under conditions no American would tolerate.

But whereas ranchers say these qualities are somehow inherent in the herders, herders themselves point out that they don’t work 80-hour weeks because it suits them. They do it because they need to. One herder, who requested anonymity because he feared repercussions from his boss, said that herders “come out of desperation.” Alejandro said, “There is no culture, no personality, that is fitting for this job.” He paused, then gestured around his trailer: “Nobody prefers to live alone, without their family, in a box like this.”


Butch Theos was one of the few ranchers who let me speak to one of his herders (most refused, saying their employees couldn’t be interrupted). We drove down a county road “trailing” sheep to protect them from oncoming traffic as they moved to new grazing land, and when we arrived, Theos pointed out a herder named Orlando and whistled him over. Orlando didn’t hear, so Theos shouted “Veni!” Orlando, who isn’t much more than five feet tall, jumped off his horse and waded through the sheep. Theos put a thick hand on Orlando’s shoulder and said, “This guy wants to ask some questions. You understand?” Orlando nodded. While we talked, Theos stood about ten feet behind me on the road, just close enough that he might be within earshot. After every question I asked, Orlando looked over my shoulder at his boss.

“How are the working conditions?” I asked.

“Good,” he said, and looked at his feet.

“It’s better than Peru?” Orlando said nothing, and shuffled his work belt around.

“The salary is much higher?”

“Yes.”

“Is it hard?”

“…sometimes. But I’m very grateful.”

“The boss is good?”

“The boss is good.”

After a few more curt answers, I asked whether or not he felt it was safe for us to be talking here. Orlando looked directly at me for the first time and said, “No.” To clarify, I asked again, “Do you feel like you can talk about the job without being punished for what you say?” He shook his head and said that he should go tend to the sheep. I had nearly identical interactions with three other herders, each under a rancher’s wary gaze.

This shouldn’t have come as a surprise, since ranchers have an unusually high degree of control over their herders. Under the rules of the H-2A program, a rancher can fire a herder (which amounts to deportation) whenever a herder “has not performed his job in a satisfactory manner.” So in addition to controlling the herder’s food, water, and housing, the rancher also controls his status in the U.S.

If Roberts and Theos make it sound like the herders are hardworking, well-suited to the work, and grateful for every penny, it’s because in front of their bosses, they are. And they’re especially grateful in comparison to the few Americans who have tried sheepherding. But whereas ranchers pin it on cultural differences, herders uphold these stereotypes because they know they’ll face dire consequences if they don’t.


Although it’s an oversimplification, people in the know tend to have one of two general views on the herding industry: One group sees it as “a great exchange,” the other as an industry rife with exploitation. In the past decade, these two views have become so polarized that they’ve sparked a number of legal cases, some of which have risen fairly in high in the federal court system.

Hispanic Affairs Project v. Acosta (Alexander Acosta is the Secretary of the Department of Labor) is a case brought on behalf of herders against the federal government. The plaintiffs in the case contend that the DOL, which sets the herders’ minimum wage, underestimated the average number of hours herders work per week. In 2015, the DOL proposed that sheepherders should be paid based on a 44-hour workweek, which was an average of estimates from a few different sources.

One side of the average was based on an estimate the Western Range Association (WRA) and Mountain Plains Agricultural Service (MPAS)—two ranchers’ associations that act as middlemen between herders, ranchers, and the government. They both proposed a 40-hour workweek, which is what herders had already been paid for. 

The other side of the average was a 48-hour week calculation, submitted by Edward Tuddenham, an attorney representing workers in a court case that set the herders’ hours previously. Tuddenham relied on data from a form that ranchers fill out. Ranchers, however, usually fill out those forms in accordance with the hours that MPAS and WRA tell them to write. So the supposed average used two similar numbers that can both be traced back to the ranchers’ associations. The voices that were left out of this “average” are, of course, those of the herders.

In order to find what they considered a genuine compromise, the herders’ attorneys pointed the DOL to the Colorado Legal Services report on which Ignacio Alvarado worked. The study finds that 62 percent of herders “actively worked” at least 81 hours per week and that 35 percent worked at least 91 hours per week, so if herders were to be employed according to these numbers, their salary would double. Unfortunately for the herders, according to the court’s opinion from July 2017, the DOL “recognized the results of the Colorado Study but also that ‘two individual employers expressly disputed the methodology in the Colorado Study, stating that it was not a reliable source and was based on biased [interview] questions.’”

The DOL said the study was “informative, but very limited,” because it pertained only to Colorado and was therefore “not representative of the industry as a whole.” But as Dermot Lynch, an attorney for the plaintiffs, pointed out to me, herders cross state borders into Nevada, Wyoming, and Utah all the time, and the hours that herders work in Colorado don’t differ significantly in other states. According to Lynch, the CLS report also abided by all the necessary standards. It surveyed enough herders to be statistically significant, and it recorded and explained its questions.

Nevertheless, the DOL ultimately trusted Tuddenham’s assessment that “the 48-hour estimate...is based on the most comprehensive and detailed data...” That data was from the forms that ranchers fill out, and those forms might have been comprehensive and detailed—but they also might have been entirely wrong.

The herders’ baseline salary (and that of other migrant workers) is determined by a tool that the DOL uses called the Adverse Effect Wage Rate (AEWR). The rate is based on the average hourly wage for similarly employed workers in a particular region. Although it seems like one more innocuous government acronym, the AEWR is ultimately what determines how much money the herders are able to send home to their families. Strangely, the AEWR purports to determine a salary that would make the job “competitive” in America. In other words, it’s supposed to determine a salary high enough that, if there weren’t a labor shortage, American workers would want the job.

Herders I’ve spoken to have actually laughed when I suggested that, in the eyes of the government, their wage was competitive for American workers. To its credit, the DOL is aware that the AEWR is laughably dysfunctional. The DOL recognized, for example, that in any survey of current wages, “The presence of undocumented workers in a given industry depresses wages for the industry.” The agricultural industry is comprised of somewhere between 46 and 70 percent undocumented workers, so the wage depression is significant: On average, undocumented agricultural workers make roughly $7 per hour and work about 40 hours per week. Because herders are working 80-hour workweeks but only getting paid for half of it, they’re making legally roughly the same amount that undocumented workers are making illegally—and doing more work for the money.

Nominally, the H-2A program is supposed to end the illegal exploitation of migrant worker. But if the program is leaving workers with conditions equivalent to those of undocumented workers and paying them less per hour, then it’s just legalizing an illegal workforce and leaving the exploitation in place. On a cynical reading, that’s the point of the H-2A program.

Ranchers’ defense here is that shortage of American sheepherders is simply inevitable in the herding industry, given how brutal the job is. But in the natural gas industry (among others) American workers have recently flocked to dangerous but relatively high-paying jobs. Perhaps U.S. workers, then, could become “suited” to the job of an H-2A worker. Employers would simply have to offer higher wages. But because they all want to stay competitive in the market, ranchers won’t raise wages unless the baseline for the entire industry is raised. Raising the baseline would be the job of the DOL, which, unfortunately for herders, doesn’t seem to trust herders’ own accounts of their jobs.

Jennifer Lee, a professor of law at Temple University, describes all this in a paper published in the Stanford Law & Policy Review. Lee writes that the legal framework of programs like the H-2A, “delegates substantial power to employers to essentially price-fix depressed wages and transform jobs into ones that require backbreaking productivity. By degrading the wages and working conditions of these low wage jobs, employers ensure that they can only be filled by highly compliant and productive guest workers.” So, according to Lee, what seem on the surface to be genuine domestic labor shortages are actually manufactured by the government and ranchers associations, which work together to keep wages so low and conditions so poor that Americans won’t take the jobs.

Employers getting together and fixing wages is hardly a new story. But wage-fixing usually happens in the absence of government regulation, and leads to calls for more regulation. In the case of H-2A herders, however, rancher associations are deciding on a fixed wage with the government. This leaves workers and legal advocates in a situation which, as Alvarado said, is “very not good. At all.”


Guest worker programs like the H-2A began in 1917, when thousands of American farm workers went to fight in World War I and left the DOL flooded with ranchers’ complaints about labor shortages. To solve the problem, the government could have granted legal immigration status to thousands of Mexicans who were willing to work in the U.S. for a low wage, but widespread racism made it impossible to garner congressional support. So instead, the government devised a guest worker program as a way to provide cheap labor to the U.S. without allowing immigrants to claim government benefits or civil rights granted to citizens. The U.S. gained the benefit of cheap immigrant labor without the alleged problems of integrating immigrants into American society.

Although parts of the program were shut down after World War I, the agricultural portion continued to operate until the onset of the Great Depression. The 1930s ushered in a labor surplus, a wave of xenophobia, and the consequent mass deportation of predominantly Mexican guest workers.

When World War II rolled around, American laborers were again leaving farms for the armed forces (or the defense industry), creating another genuine worker shortage in agriculture. In response, President Roosevelt authorized the Bracero Program in 1942. Much like the earlier guest worker program, the Bracero Program allowed the government to import temporary workers from Mexico, extract their labor, and send them back home.

When the war ended, there was again a labor surplus and corresponding public pressure to deport not only the guest workers, but also a new undocumented workforce (ranchers and farmers often hired undocumented workers because they found the Bracero paperwork tedious). In 1954, the U.S. Attorney General announced a crackdown on illegal immigration, called “Operation Wetback,” which was to be implemented through the Immigration and Naturalization Services (INS). (“Wetback” is a derogatory term for Mexican laborers who were alleged to have swum across the Rio Grande river.) The INS, which was responsible for overseeing the Bracero Program, now found itself in a bind: farmers and ranchers were demanding cheap labor, and they were glad to get it from illegal immigrants. Much of the public, meanwhile, wanted illegal immigrants (and most immigrants) out of the U.S. 

The INS’ solution was not to demand that ranchers pay higher salaries, but instead to push for the Bracero Program to be expanded and made into federal law. That way, the farmers could have their cheap labor legally. The agency then proceeded to track down thousands of undocumented workers, drive them just south of the U.S.-Mexico border, “recruit” them as Braceros, and drive them back to the farms on which they had already been working without changing their wages or working conditions. That way, the government could legalize the workers, keep them separate from the lives and privileges of the American public, and provide farmers with cheap labor. In the first three years of the newly enlarged Bracero Program, the number of Braceros more than doubled, from 201,380 to 445,197.

Even aside from the low wages and poor conditions, there was a flaw in this system from the beginning. Although ranchers and farmers had to prove that there were no Americans willing to do the work they needed done, they only had to prove that no Americans were willing to do the work at the wages they were offering and in the conditions they were offering. In a free market, farmers would have had to improve wages and conditions until people signed up. Instead, farmers were able to deflate wages and conditions, complain that no Americans wanted the jobs, and then, with the help of the government, import foreign workers so desperate that they would work for less than half of the minimum wage. If that sounds familiar, it’s because the H-2A program replicates this structure under a more bureaucratic name.

The Bracero Program continued for another decade, until mounting pressure from farmworker advocates like Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta pushed Congress to end the program in 1964. The country was left with only the H-2 program, a comparatively small guest worker program that had been created in 1952 but had never been widely used. In 1986, Congress split the H-2 program into the H-2A and H-2B programs, for agricultural and non-agricultural sectors respectively. Twenty-two years later, H-2A workers comprise 10 percent of the country’s farmworkers. 

If this history shows us anything, it’s that ranchers have long used guest worker programs to acquire cheap labor, and that the government has, for nearly as long, used the program to legalize an otherwise illegal workforce without improving conditions.

Given this history, it should come as no surprise that in 2016 the Trump Winery in Charlottesville, VA sought 29 H-2A workers to help prune its vineyards. (Over the past decade, Trump and his associated business have also hired hundreds of workers on the H-2B program.) The Washington Post, reporting on the H-2A applications, wrote, “When news of these applications first broke, the outrage expressed by those who remembered the president’s pledge to ‘hire American’ was predictable.”

But Trump’s decision to hire H-2A workers was as predictable as the outrage that followed it. While hiring H-2A workers might have seemed like a broken promise, it was actually in line with his anti-immigrant sentiments. Although the H-2A program appears to contradict the language of “the wall,” it actually isolates workers from society so thoroughly that it serves as a sort of wall itself—not between Mexico and America, but between Mexicans and Americans.

All this is apparently clear to the people running and enforcing the H-2A program, and they make no effort to hide it. The Washington Post cites Kerry Scott, program manager for Mid Atlantic Solutions, the nation’s largest private provider of H2 workers. Scott says, “In our minds, the best [border] wall is a functional guest worker program...We’re certain our program will be one of those that survives and thrives.’”


Although H-2 workers are the ones being directly exploited, American workers are also being deprived of potential jobs: in a competitive market, sheepherding jobs would be paying much more than the minimum wage. So Americans are, at least indirectly, also being harmed by guest worker programs. That, coupled with the fact that wages and conditions for guest workers are inhumane, would seem to indicate that the guest worker programs should be shut down. And there are plenty of legal scholars, most of them politically liberal, who argue against guest worker programs. Lee herself argues as much toward the end of her paper.

But guest workers themselves don’t want the program shut down—they want it improved. Every sheepherder I spoke to really way grateful to have a job at all. So there’s a discrepancy between what herders want and what their supposed advocates often argue for. It’s easy for outsiders to ignore a somewhat nauseating truth: other parts of the world are so destitute that their citizens hope to work in conditions most Americans find inhumane.

Still, as Alvarado said to me more than a few times, “I’m working in America, not in Chile or Peru.” That is, workers in America deserve to be held to America’s standards. The minimum wage is called the minimum wage for a reason. That’s part of why organizations like Hispanic Affairs Project and Towards Justice are trying to better conditions and wages without shutting down the whole program. But, as you might expect, this strategy too sparks outcry from ranchers.

The question ranchers ask in response to demands for better conditions and wages is, “What would happen if we raise wages any more?” The answer, they claim, is clear: the industry would collapse. “The government,” Theos told me, “raised [herders’] salary enormously overnight…But we need them, so we bit the bullet. A lot of my friends… couldn’t afford to keep all their men.”

The 2017 court opinion in the DOL case paints a similar picture. The court cites a sheepherder employer called FIM Corporation, which explains, “For the period 2006 to 2013, our gross income from sales of wool, lambs, sheep, and hay averaged about $1,100,000 per year. After our operative expenses our net income averaged about...$35,000 per year. This proposed tripling of sheepherder wages will require approximately $250,000 per year in additional wage payments, [and] that much money is simply not available.”

It remains unclear whether a budget this tight is the exception or the rule: are most ranchers (and the government) fighting to keep wages low because they don’t care enough to pay the men any more, or because they’re barely scraping by in a failing industry, unable to pay their men anymore? Then again, as Jennifer Lee told me, “Either way, why is the answer to that question, ‘Well, let’s just continue to exploit foreign workers?’”

That answer persists because what looks like exploitation to a worker or a liberal-minded outsider often looks like a long, thriving tradition to a rancher. The old history of the H-2A program—and the even older myth of the “well-suited” farmworker—begin to explain how herders like Ignacio Alvarado and ranchers like Warren Roberts end up on opposite sides of a long, entrenched battle.

If Roberts and Alvarado weren’t in the positions they’re in, you could imagine them being friendly with each other. Both, to begin with, are weathered old guys who seem to have an endless collection of remarkable western stories. Both of them also tend to assert what’s right and wrong with all the charm and conviction of a seasoned salesman.

Roberts, just after singing the praises of free enterprise, explained his approach to doing business: “What I’ve always tried to do is, if I’m dealing with you, I want it to be good for both of us, I don’t just want it to be just good for me. And if everybody operated that way, we wouldn’t need all these rules and regulations. We could all be free.” 

Alvarado practically mirrored his sentiment: “What I’ve always wanted is for it to be fair. Just as fair for the ranchers as it is for the herders. Nothing more. And if everyone could just be fair, we wouldn’t need all these government rules. Those aren’t the real solution.”

Still, in case there was any danger of slipping in to the old “everyone’s the same on the inside” adage, Roberts and Alvarado are not without their differences: Roberts believes that, “If you do something wrong, you’ll pay the price, guaranteed, every time.” Alvarado, responding to my question about how conditions might improve in the future, said, “I don’t see any solution. Good people get wronged over and over again. That’s just how it is.” Roberts is looking at the industry from a position in which it’s possible to believe that those who are good get what’s good, but Alvarado has evidently seen too many good people mistreated to believe that.

If there’s a fundamental difference between herders and ranchers, it’s not that one is “culturally suited” to physical labor and the other isn’t. It’s that ranchers have faith in the moral order of things. They’re just angry that the government is getting in the way of it. Herders, on the other hand, have been trying to work toward a moral order for a long time, and now they’re beginning to lose faith.

At the end of it all, one herder’s exasperation might have captured the industry better than any analysis could. Toward the end of our interview, I asked him if I could use his name in the story. He said, “No, man, this industry is intense… the whole thing is fucked.” 

“The whole thing?” I asked. 

“The whole thing.” 

Laugh With Me

In the week after my stepfather’s funeral, my mother, brother, and I ate nothing but grilled cheese sandwiches. We had to finish the massive platter of mediocre cheese slices left over from the reception. It was hard not to laugh while choking down my 15th grilled cheese in six days.

When I bring up my stepfather’s suicide, it’s usually to joke about it. My jokes get one of two reactions: vaguely uncomfortable but well-intended sympathy, or (less often) the laughter I’m going for. The awkward sympathy is certainly reasonable, but it’s not what I needed when Chris died a year ago, nor what I need now. In my experience with death, most things were just absurd.

My mother paused at the door of our apartment. She stepped back inside, walked to the Christmas tree, and reached behind it to turn on the lights. “I’ll be back soon. Make sure Hudson’s asleep by nine.” I nodded and watched her close the door behind her.

My stepfather had been missing for two nights, and up until this point my mother hadn’t tried to figure out where he was. Her apathy confused me: “Shouldn’t you be worried about Chris?” She finally must have realized that she should be, and so she decided to file a missing person’s report. She was on her way to the precinct now, leaving me to care for my eight-year-old brother. I don’t blame her for her initial hesitation. At the beginning, I think we were all relieved by the absence of Chris’ overbearing energy in the house. 

Now alone, my brother and I shared a tub of Bagel Bites. I called my friend Amory and invited him over to keep me company. “Bring wine if you can.”

After Hudson fell asleep, Amory and I started sleuthing. Amory became engrossed in the case—our amateur detective work probably provided a welcome distraction from his recent college rejection. We called the garage where Chris kept his car, wondering if it was still there. The man on the other end seemed suspicious and quickly hung up. When we found ourselves digging through Chris’ desk drawers, we realized that we had gone a step too far. We stopped meddling. 

I don’t remember what time I fell asleep, but I remember waking up on the sofa to my mother standing above me, her short frame looming over the couch. The ceiling light illuminated her head from behind, leaving her face in the shadow. Her head was circled perfectly by that yellow light, and I was reminded of the way Renaissance painters created halos.

“Chris killed himself.”

“Oh.”

I could tell that she had been crying. She had cleaned herself up before coming to meet me, but a few missed spots of melted mascara under her eyes gave her away.

My mother shrugged. “Well, you know the saying: ‘too bad, so sad!’”

Suddenly I was winded, less by the news of the death than by my mother’s use of the childish phrase. I started to sob, more out of shock than anything else. Then, still crying, I began to laugh.

“Jesus Christ, Mom!”

She laughed with me. I sat up to face her.

We began to sort through the initial strangeness that comes from learning about someone’s death. “It’s weird how the last time I saw him, I thought he was just going to work,” she said. She referred to him in the present tense, but mostly to say, “Fuck him.” We said every terrible, spiteful thing we could think of without saying “good riddance.”

Later, somewhere between night and morning, I found myself crying again. I forced myself to stop. Why would I cry over the death of someone I’d always disliked? 

Too bad, so sad, I wrote in my journal.

Early on Sunday morning, the doorbell rang. I waited for my mother to answer the door. It rang again, more urgently. Stumbling, nearly blind without my contacts, I opened the door to find an impatient UPS delivery person. She handed me a cardboard box.

“Wow, this is a heavy one! I wonder what it is,” I said, trying to make small talk as I squinted and sloppily signed for the package. She gave me a concerned look that I didn’t understand.

Shutting the door, I tossed the box onto the kitchen counter, put in my contacts, and came back to the kitchen to investigate.

Bold, blue stickers on every side of the parcel declared, “CREMATED REMAINS.” 

“Oh, shit.”

For whatever reason, I felt compelled to peel off one of the stickers and paste it to the back of my phone. I still don’t know why I decided to do that. I might have just thought it looked cool, not quite processing the meaning of displaying my family member’s cremation label.

The absurdity of the situation escalated when my mother came home. She saw the box, laughed at my story of the awkward interaction with the UPS person, and stuffed the parcel into the kitchen cabinet. It—he—still lives there in the corner of our house, with the pots and pans.

A few weeks later, I stood on the upper level of the house where Chris had died. It was an old lodge upstate where we had spent weekends, before I got older and refused to go. The house was darker and dustier than I remembered, and the curtains and furniture had faded over the years. It felt like a tomb. And it was his tomb, really—it was the place he’d bought with the thought that it could somehow make him happy, where he used to try to paint. He’d taken the time to decorate it, all by himself. He’d died alone in a castle of his own conception, a crypt he had spent his life creating.

I looked out through the wide windows into the driveway, waiting to leave. The cab we had called passed the house, and my mother sprinted out after it. The driver didn’t see her. She waved her arms, running down the tree-lined path, and fell to her knees at the road. From far away, I saw that she was crying. It struck me that I hadn’t seen her cry since Chris died. 

From that distance, she was no longer my mother—she was a tiny woman with nothing but a thin black sweater between her body and the January cold, on her knees in the dusty pavement at the edge of the road, the edge of this haunted property. (Could a house still be haunted if neither of us believed in ghosts?)

She walked back. I heard the door creak. For a moment we stood in silence in the middle of the tomb. 

“Are you sad?” I asked.

“Tragedy is for men. We women survive.”

I turned to his suit jacket, so carefully draped over the back of a wire chair, as if he were sitting down to a meal, his pink tie folded on the table. We left his clothes there—a headstone of his own creation, a static still life to which we never returned.

Despite our longtime vegetarianism, we asked the cab driver to take us to his favorite nearby steakhouse. We wound up at an empty roadside restaurant and split a 16-ounce hunk of meat.

On the first snow day of the new year I sat at my desk with my ink and needle, poking the small bone on my left wrist. Slowly, the number appeared on my skin: 968.

It’s my mother’s birth month and year. Why I chose something so abstract to symbolize her, I can’t say. I had already decided that “too bad, so sad,” would be too morbid—instead I opted for something that no one would be able to immediately decipher, something that could be my own.

The stick-and-poke became a kind of talisman, something to touch and meditate on when I needed to access the power and anger that my mother had mastered. It was an amulet, an icon of her and the way she used her aggression for the sake of self-preservation after Chris’s death. I saw it constantly—I used her virulence constantly.

I came to the dinner table to find my brother at the head, crying quietly. My mother was sitting to his right, and I sat beside her. She clanged the tongs against her plate as she served herself arugula. Hudson cried, “I love you, Mom.” She salted her plate so vigorously that stray grains flew all the way across the table.

“I’m going to stop making dinner. Who am I making dinner for.”

“I love your dinner, Mommy,” said my brother.

“Who am I doing this for,” said my mother.

She drowned her salad in dressing.

“Daddy is eating your dinner in heaven.” 

I winced.

“I’m making you ramen tomorrow,” she said, maybe to Hudson, maybe to Chris. She acknowledged me for the first time since I’d sat down and told me that I could leave if I wanted to. I told her I was fine, I didn’t mind.

She spilled the wine and it flowed across the table, reaching every empty seat. She might as well have stabbed someone for all the red there was. Hudson cried louder—and then my mother, her hands folded neatly behind her plate, said, almost inaudibly, “It’s okay, it’s just that things are different now.”

When Chris was alive, dinner had to be on the table at six o’clock each evening. The rule was never declared directly, and if my mother failed to serve the food on time there was no consequence. But we all had a general understanding that this ritual needed to be completed.

There always had to be three parts to the meal: a main dish of meat (that my mom and I would skip), a starchy side, and a vegetable. We—my mother, brother, myself, and Chris—would gather at six to serve ourselves each item and eat while we made tense, smiling small talk. Chris would say his day was good. I would say my day was good.

Every night after dinner, religiously, until I finished middle school, Chris and I would sit on the sofa together. With a comfortable space between us, we would watch one episode of “The Simpsons.” This was the closest I ever got to him—three feet and a simple shared experience. For my emotionally stunted childhood self, this closeness was extreme. Years of sitting next to him during one of my favorite parts of each day eventually made for some strange semblance of a warm relationship.

Several years after the end of the daily “Simpsons” ritual, and almost a year after Chris’ death, I got a tattoo of an undead, grinning Bart Simpson—it was $13 as part of a sale, and I laughed when I saw it on the sheet of model tattoos. On the way home, I joked to a friend that it was my macabre homage to the late Chris, and to that long-gone space of tenderness. 

A year later, I am distant enough from the experience to wonder whether my mother’s and my manic humor was a constructive mechanism to process the suicide.

The jokes served as a kind of balm, a source of palliative denial that allowed us to pretend that we weren’t in any pain. Of course we were sad, somewhere within ourselves, but humor allowed us to avoid acknowledging it.

At the same time, though, our jokes gave us a means of talking about the death. Both my mother and I are emotionally guarded people who don’t easily admit to suffering. As she said, “We women survive.” Through humor, we could communicate our feelings and acknowledge the reality of the death without the pain of vulnerability.

Our long-standing inside jokes were also a source of bonding. After a long day of enduring endless, uncomfortable sympathy, we could come home and laugh together. We were always eager to share whatever grim comedy the day brought us. “My teacher yelled at me about a late assignment but then I told her about Chris and she just went stark pale! Looks like I can hand it in whenever I want to.” She would smirk and tell me about how her boss insisted that she take a few days off from work. “An extra week of paid vacation! I’m going to the spa tomorrow.” 

­—

Months later, back at home for break, I noticed a photo hanging on the living room wall that I didn’t remember seeing before. In the photo, I’m a small child, I’m walking towards the photographer, not smiling, my neatly curled hair and pink satin dress wet.

I remember the moment the photo was taken—I was five, and I had been out in the misty twilit courtyard after my mother’s second wedding. I had been standing alone in the same place for 20 minutes, quickly dampened by the drizzle. On the ground before me was a bird, recently dead, oily black feathers still intact. I couldn’t figure out how it had died, so I kept staring. I wasn’t alarmed or disturbed, only curious.

After a while, Chris, only recently my stepfather, came looking for me. He gasped at the bird and grabbed my small shoulder, ushering me back into the candlelit ballroom where the wedding reception had just begun. “Death is a part of life,” he said, “but there are other things we have to do.”

I wonder if he remembered that.

Back at the wedding venue, the photographer took photos of the family, of the couple, and of me, hair still wet from the rain. I thought of the body, the first of more to come.

Even in that photo, five years old and fresh from my first brush with death, I don’t look upset, exactly. If anything, my little face looks peeved, lips pursed and eyes a bit narrowed. Maybe I was mad about being torn from the bird, this object of my intense fascination. Maybe I was annoyed that Chris was so dismissive of my reaction. I’m relieved that my mother wasn’t the same way—that, when Chris’ time came, I had someone who would stare and laugh at the absurdity with me.

The Nine Types of People

"You’re a Five,” my mom told me. This was, obviously, a weird thing for a mother to say to her child. “What does that mean?” I asked. 

“It means you like thinking,” she said. “You want to figure everything out, right? That’s why you do so well in school.”

This barrage of compliments sent 10-year-old me sobbing into the snow-covered woods. I don’t remember why we were having this conversation somewhere near the woods in the middle of winter. Nor am I entirely certain that this is the way it happened. But I do know why I took my mom’s remark as an insult: I interpreted it to mean that “overthinking” was my defining characteristic. I’ve since learned that the truth is a bit more complex than that. But after much self-conscious, anxiety-ridden overthinking, I know another thing: I am, indeed, a Five. 

My mother was referring to the Enneagram. A paragon of New Age spirituality, the Enneagram is a personality type system that maps nine types onto a mystical symbol. The lines of the Enneagram allegedly indicate the directions of your spiritual growth and decay, offering invaluable insight into your development as a person. My mom learned of the Enneagram from her sister, my Aunt Theresa, the bringer of all things New-Agey into our otherwise spiritually-averse family. My mom and Theresa went through a stage in which they obsessively “typed” all the members of our family, often to our chagrin. “He could be a Six, but I could also see him as a Two with a strong Three wing,” they would gossip. (That’s the way the Enneagram gets you talking.)

This strange spiritual vernacular surrounding the Enneagram is confusing, so here’s the basic gist of the Enneagram: it categorizes people into nine primary types, which are distinguished most importantly by a set of basic fears and basic desires. The full description of each type includes a combination of general attitude, sets of behaviors, patterns of thinking, and life problems that the type tends to experience. But with the incorporation of “wings” (secondary types), instinctual variants, levels of development, directions of growth and disintegration, and triadic centers, the system gets so complicated that there are diagrams of the Enneagram entitled with such jargon as, “The Hornevian Groups with the Motivational Aims of the Triads.” 

According to Riso and Hudson, each person has one primary type that does not change throughout life. The types are organized not by behavioral traits or characteristics, but by what primarily motivates each one. You won’t experience all aspects of your type all the time, and you will probably identify with all nine motivations to some degree. Although “typing” estranged family members and figures of popular culture is a common, strangely addicting pastime, the best person to determine one’s type is oneself. The types are grouped by “triadic centers”: thinking, feeling, and intuition. If you are in the thinking center, for example, you experience an imbalance that distorts the way the thinking part of your brain interacts with your feelings and intuition. 

If that’s not enough variation, most schools of Enneagram thought also propose that you have at least one dominant “wing”: one of the types adjacent to your own that also affects the way you exhibit their personality. You also have one dominant and one secondary “instinctual variant” (self-preservation, social, or sexual). Any type can have any instinctual variant. Furthermore, each type can “move” under stress or growth to embody characteristics of a different type, following the lines on the Enneagram polygon. Each type also has nine levels of development, which are grouped into healthy, average, and unhealthy stages. 

This diagram is my attempt to distill the many facets of the Enneagram system onto a single page. Most Enneagram followers would balk at this oversimplification, though, so if you actually want to know about it straight from the source, visit enneagraminstitute.com, the website published by Don Richard Riso and Russ Hudson. Riso and Hudson are the “most reputable” Enneagram teachers alive today, according to Aunt Theresa. This is where I should probably issue a disclaimer: the Enneagram would not be taken seriously by most American psychology professors. Nor is it widely used as a psychological tool by therapists, at least in the U.S. So the Enneagram is not a hot-button topic that deserves a good dose of hard-hitting journalism. Rather, it was a personal conundrum. 

The Enneagram differs from other well-known personality type systems like Myers-Briggs in that it doesn’t just claim to formulate a system for understanding differences between people’s psychological experience and behavior. It also claims to address the deep roots of our “spiritual essences.” According to the gurus of the Enneagram, the self-destructive habits of your personality inhibit your spiritual essence from properly guiding  your life—you are prevented by yourself from being who you most fully are. At its core, the Enneagram aims to tell you what you’re really seeking from life and identify the primordial fear that drives your personality. Consider, for example, this frank statement from the Riso-Hudson type Five description: 

“Independent, innovative, and inventive, [Fives] can also become preoccupied with their thoughts and imaginary constructs. They become detached, yet high-strung and intense. They typically have problems with eccentricity, nihilism, and isolation…but rather than engage directly with activities that might bolster their confidence, Fives ‘take a step back’ into their minds, where they feel more capable. Their belief is that from the safety of their minds they will eventually figure out how to do things—and one day rejoin the world.” 

If you cringe at how accurately this describes you, thinking of times when you’ve become isolated from the real world due to your obsessive fixation on a certain pattern of thinking, increasingly panicked at your all-too-clear awareness of your own isolation, yet too afraid of the possibility of failure to really do anything about it, thus trapping yourself in a cycle of over-analysis and self-deprecation—well, you too might be a Five.

This sometimes startling accuracy can provoke hostile reactions. To provide a juvenile personal example, after I was informed of what I then interpreted as my sadly limited essential being, I spent a while lingering in the woods, contemplating like a typical Five-child. I came back out and accepted a pat on the back from my elders, successfully suppressing my feelings and avoiding confrontation. Like a good, investigative, neurotic Five, I then briefly joined my mom and my aunt in the Enneagram obsession, attempting to discover all I could about the inner workings of other human beings. But my interest waned when we lost the guidance book, “The Wisdom of the Enneagram,” and I found other debatably legitimate ways of understanding the world. An evangelical religious stage devolved into a radical devotion to the power of Nature, until my skepticism finally culminated in my college philosophy major.

I rediscovered the Enneagram only last semester, after a stressful summer job as an adventure camp counselor in which I rescued preteen girls from falling trees and cliquey drama, followed by a traumatic breakup and a subsequent pervading sense of meaninglessness in both my everyday activities and my life’s direction. Neither therapists, nor well-meaning friends, nor books of political theory seemed to give me what the Enneagram did: a startlingly accurate picture of the patterns of thought that were trapping me, and also, maybe, a path to liberation. But while the Enneagram held high promise, it also seemed ridiculous. I wanted to save myself with the Enneagram. But first I had to figure out if I actually believed in it.

In order to better understand my Enneagram revelation, I purchased the long-lost “The Wisdom of the Enneagram,” 389 pages of Riso and Hudson’s invaluable wisdom. The book is bounded like an SAT test prep book (but for your soul). Its blue cover gradually fades into spiritual shades of gray, and it features an illustration of a majestic eagle transposed upon ethereal clouds, rising above a dark and stormy ocean. The book is dedicated to “The Ground of all Being, the One from Whom we have come, and to Whom we shall return” (capitalized exactly like that).

No dedication could better reflect the vague and disputed spiritual roots of the Enneagram. The book’s short chapter entitled “Ancient Roots, Modern Insights” makes the incredibly ambiguous claim that “the origins of the Enneagram symbol have been lost to history.” The chapter then somehow ties the basis of Enneagramic “triadic thought” to all three Abrahamic traditions, in addition to ancient Greek philosophy, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Taoism. 

Wherever its roots truly lie, the Enneagram symbol was apparently “rediscovered” in 1875 by a young Greek-Armenian traveling through the Middle East in search of his true soul. In the 1950s, a Bolivian named Óscar Ichazo encountered the Enneagram and, in what the book describes as a “flash of genius,” he placed a wealth of spiritual and psychological knowledge onto the Enneagram symbol “in the right sequence” to develop the basic nine types. If you read this with a cynical, scientific perspective, yes, this means that the entire typology was thrown together randomly by an esoteric dude in the fits of some kind of transcendental frenzy. 

Ichazo would later introduce the Enneagram to a Chilean psychiatrist named Claudio Naranjo, who noted that the nine types seemed to correlate surprisingly well with identifiable psychiatric categories. Naranjo then gathered panels of people to type them according to their psychiatric difficulties. He went on to teach the Enneagram to Jesuits in California, where it was picked up by Riso and Hudson themselves. Today, the Enneagram attracts not people who subscribe to the love, light, and undefined Oneness of New Age spirituality, but also Catholic priests (although with pushback from an unpublished Bishops’ council report that, ironically, discouraged its use because it wasn’t scientifically proven). Businesses looking for insight into employee dynamics have also picked it up. It is most popular in Spanish-speaking countries, but there are “Enneagram societies” all over the world.

Reading the Enneagram book as a perennial skeptic of the Enneagram system produced constant bewilderment. Every time I started to slide into cynicism about the whole thing, I would read a sentence that described me or someone I knew so precisely that I could almost feel the unnamed mystical power that the Enneagram bequeaths upon us. For example, upon reading that Don Richard Riso considered himself a Four with a Three wing, my first thought was, “That explains why he had the audacity to publish so much wacky, unfounded bullshit.” But this very insult validated Riso’s own teaching that “Fours” exist in the first place, and that Fours’ creative side is spurred by their desire to be unique, and that his Three wing motivated him to promote himself as an image of success.

Every time I had experiences like that, I’d start worrying: what if I really start buying into this? Am I going to start seeing people as walking, talking Twos and Fours? Am I going to lose the ability to think of myself and my social relationships in any other way? Or worse, will that awful Five pattern of isolation become a self-fulfilling prophecy, because it’s the way I think I’m naturally inclined to deal with things? An Enneagram devotee would instantly peg this as the typical frustrated, withdrawn indecision of a Five. This is a common defense of the Enneagram: anyone who challenges its legitimacy must be doing so because of a quirk of their type. For example, a few months ago, Aunt Theresa and I sat in the kitchen, gossiping about the dynamics of toxic relationships between Fives and Sevens.

My dad, always an Enneagram skeptic, scoffed. “I just think human beings are more complex than that. You can’t lump people into categories.” 

“What a classic Nine thing to say,” Theresa responded, rolling her eyes in my direction.

 I laughed along with my aunt, but secretly wondered if my dad was right. I was still obsessed whether the Enneagram was “real,” and what it meant if it was. I was drawn to the mythical possibility that the Enneagram was both the key to better self-understanding and the metric by which I could finally solve all of my personal problems. But I was also terrified and repulsed by my own attraction to it. Because if I was wrong, it was just a system of stereotypes about people, organized to give the illusion of true enlightenment.

I decided to put the Enneagram to the test—specifically, by putting myself to the test. One of the potential flaws in the Enneagram is that it’s all based on self-reporting. Maybe, because of the way the Enneagram describes the nine types, a person would type themselves not according to what they are, but as the type that they want to be, or even as the type they’re afraid of being. Plus, the types might only seem to be specific. I reread the description of a Five with a Sexual instinct. “They are always experiencing some degree of tension between pursuing those they are attracted to and lacking confidence in their social skills.” Yes, this described me perfectly. But doesn’t that describe everyone, to some degree? (I hope so.) Maybe, looking back on the description, it was reductive and self-centered to think that this was the perfect description of me. There had to be proof that the specificity of the system was grounded—something to confirm my type from an objective standpoint.

But most Enneagram-oriented personality tests I found online completely mistyped me. (There was no way I am a Six with a Seven wing and a Social variant, as a website called “Eclectic Energies” told me.) I decided these must be faulty sources, so I turned to the real deal: the Riso-Hudson Enneagram Type Indicator (RHETI). Because you have to pay $12, I delayed taking it until Cipher agreed to reimburse me for it as “research.” (One of the characteristics of a Five is stinginess.)

The long-awaited test seemed frighteningly oversimplified. I fumed, trying to decide if I had been, in general, “a bit cynical and skeptical” or “a bit mushy and sentimental,” and whether anyone was actually just one or the other. As I finished the test, I was sure I had answered so many poorly-worded questions so inconsistently that it would also mistype me. But it didn’t: I was rechristened as the same thing—a Five with a Four wing.

Still, I wasn’t satisfied. I soon found myself in the bowels of a fairly active Reddit thread called “The Enneagram of Personality,” where internet users obsess about typing themselves and random people they’ve encountered. (“4 w 5 wing having problems getting out of myself?” and “suuuuuchhhh a two” were typical-sounding posts.) I found Pinterest boards filled with the speculative typology of public figures and favorite fictional characters. Donald Trump is an unhealthy Eight; Harry Potter is the epitome of a One.

 Perplexed and unsure of where to turn next, I called an Enneagram coach, hoping that someone who worked constantly with the Enneagram could explain my skepticism away. Alvaro Cortes, who lives in Spain, discovered the Enneagram through my very own Aunt Theresa, whom he befriended years before I was born. He found it so compelling that he entered a three-year course of study at the Enneagram Institute in Madrid, and now uses the Enneagram as a tool for his coaching and teachings on cross-cultural connection. 

Though I had never met Alvaro, he already knew a lot about me because Theresa had told him the typology of my parents. Other than his eerily accurate descriptions of my dad’s tendency to avoid making hard decisions, our conversation was reassuring. 

Alvaro, a peace-driven Nine like my father, didn’t seem to wrestle with the same deep doubts about the Enneagram that I did. “You should move away from being too obsessed with the theory and focus on using it as a tool that is going to help you move forward,” he told me. In Spain, the Enneagram is more widely accepted—it’s used by therapists and taught in psychology courses in major universities. Alvaro described patterns of confusion that people face in typing themselves. Women, for example, often want to believe that they are Twos because society teaches us that women should be focused on love and caring for the needs of others. But Alvaro didn’t share my suspicion that this frequent confusion indicated a flaw in the Enneagram system. He warned against obscure Enneagram blogs created by “everybody and his aunt,” but he didn’t see the Enneagram itself as dangerous or misleading. (Still, I was tempted to remind him that we both literally found out about the Enneagram from my aunt.)

Up until this point, all of my swirling questions and doubts about the Enneagram had been distilled into a single worry: was I the type of person that believed in the Enneagram, or not? But maybe this was the wrong question. I asked Alvaro: “Do you think the Enneagram is something that one believes in?”

He said, “To be honest, I don’t. The Enneagram isn’t going to resolve your life. It can help you deal with life, so you don’t fall into the same potholes. But this is not a religion.”

That perspective suddenly made sense to me. Yes, it seems that the Enneagram only holds together as a coherent system for describing human interaction if you make constant modifications to the type descriptions, allowing for such a wide range of behaviors that the typology ceases to mean much. But maybe it doesn’t matter that the Enneagram isn’t capital-T true, and isn’t backed up with either the proof of science or the logical rigor of philosophy. It might still be a better alternative for figuring ourselves out than being left to our own devices.

If anything, the Enneagram at least gives its adherents a shared way of understanding ourselves and other people—a set system to tell you why others might react to a situation in a different way, hurt you, or fail to treat you how you’d want to be treated. Often, when reading the material and taking the test, I had to look up the words used to describe people. What exactly does it mean to be earnest, standoffish, brooding? I had never talked about people like that before. Our culture doesn’t give us a common language through which to talk about other people. Instead we just call them “bitches” and go about our days.

My Aunt Theresa advised me that this understanding of the Enneagram would serve a much deeper purpose. “I have exited the place where typing justifies my criticism of someone,” she wrote in an email. “This Enneagram understanding has made me more compassionate and forgiving to myself and others. I see it as a guide out of personal pain, because we have a way to name that pain.” 

The hope within the Enneagram is that we do have the power to address our own pain. According to the Enneagram, I’m not living up to my full potential, but maybe there is a way of being where I could feel okay, and be okay to others, too. If you don’t believe me, identify your type and read the description of the highest level of type development. It describes you at your spiritual stride, where you are able to shed the confining aspects of your personality and embody the positive ones. This was always the awe-inspiring aspect I returned to amidst my Enneagram cynicism.

Or maybe you shouldn’t take my word for it. I am, after all, a Five with a Four wing and a Sexual instinctual variant. Only that type would write this article.